Allison Brown HIST 5400: Migration, Mobility & Borders Dr. Hampton November 17, 2022 Reading Response - State of Disaster (Garcia, 2022) Garcia’sState of Disaster: The Failure of U.S. Migration Policy in an Age of Climate Change (2022) centers around the impacts of natural disasters as a result of climate change on migration primarily in Central America. By focusing on Central America and the Caribbean, Garcia weighs the stacking pressures of repeatedly worsened poverty, inequality, and domestic and international political tensions in addition to worsening climate conditions. Specifically, Garcia focuses on the role of humanitarian aid as a response to disasters and climate change to “examine disasters in the Caribbean and Central America— and the migration that followed—from the perspective not just of the policymakers and aid workers who responded to the crises but also of those who experienced the upheaval on the ground. I examine the policies that exacerbated these so-called natural disasters, shaped domestic and international responses, 1 and changed societies in their wake.” Central to Garcia’s argument of why humanitarian aid is the better response to disasters and climate change is the USG’s benefit in being able to offer a temporary refuge to climate migrants/ immigrants (not refugees by law) and humanitarian aid to try and stem migration as well. The 1980 Refuge Act as well as UN definitions of a refugee inherently limit the definitions of who is a refugee and the aid they are able to receive. These limitations in legal definitions, according to Garcia, leads to a “slow violence” which occurs when “policy-driven disasters, produced by governmental, military, and industry actors … [lead to] a violence of delayed destruction that is dispersed across time and space, an attritional violence that is typically not viewed as violence at all [and is] underrepresented in strategic 2 planning as well as in human memory.” 1 Maria Cristína García, State of Disaster: The Failure of U.S. Migration Policy in an Age of Climate Change (University of North Carolina Press, 2022). pg. 12 2 pg. 14 While reading this text, I particularly enjoyed Chapter 2: Disaster Relief as Foreign Policy When Poverty, Conflict, and Catastrophe Collide. This chapter brings together different ideas and concepts we’ve discussed thus far in the course. To start, in this chapter there are mentions of NGOs and humanitarian organizations which act as a way in proxy to provide aid, “created an emergency coordinating group to work with people on the ground to assess damages, collect information, and mobilize personnel and other resources for relief and rescue operations. The United Nations channeled 3 over $12 million in emergency assistance.” This argument can relate to Porter’s Benevolent Empire and how the USG supports and funds humanitarian assistance as a way to mitigate the demand for climate migration and refugees. Again, by offering humanitarian aid in areas of disaster or climate for relief, the USG is able to avoid offering permanent immigration status or migration. Also in this chapter, there is an argument similar to those made in Coleman’s The Walls Within: The Politics of Immigration in Modern America (2021). Throughout Coleman’s work, the role in political discourse plays in the development of immigration policies is discussed. And similarly to this, Garcia continually notes the politics of the Clinton Administration and how these different statements or visits again speak to the USG’s goal to mitigate offering permanent migration solutions and instead opt for short-term humanitarian relief. However, as Garcia discusses, when climate change and disasters only worsen situations in countries, these short-term solutions don’t work. Additionally, related to Coleman’s arguments, Garcia in this chapter also notes how immigration policies and work visas in the US also limit immigration for climate migrants. Garcia writes, “Instead of blocking the migration of workers, nations in the region could expand the number of visas to allow migrants to work legally in other countries and send remittances to their families and communities back home. In the United States, Temporary Protected Status has served that purpose, but it is an imperfect response to environmental displacement, benefiting only those who are already in the United4 As States.” it gets more difficult for the US to control and limit immigrant at the physical border, as Coleman argued, 3 pg. 59 4 pg. 87 we see domestic policies and the walls move within to make it for difficult for migrants and immigrants to receive what’s needed in the US as a method of deterrence. Discussion Questions Garcia writes, “U.S.-funded initiatives to “restore and relaunch” Nicaragua and Honduras were based on three guiding principles: decentralization, accountability, and environmental security.” (66) 1. In what ways do these three guiding principles also limit and make it more difficult for climate migration? 2. What does “decentralization” mean in this context? How does that idea absolve the USG of responsibility for humanitarian aid, if not willing with USAID? Garcia concludes with, “Natural disasters may be impossible to prevent, but the effects of climate change can be mitigated; and because much of the devastation that occurs in the wake of natural disasters is the result of shortsighted policies, their impacts can also be minimized with strategic planning, sustainable practices, and responsible, accountable, and transparent governance. Addressing climate change is a domestic challenge but also an international responsibility. In working together, nations can effectively respond to this challenge. But will policymakers heed their scientists and exercise the political will to make a difference?” (134) 1. How does this shift in her conclusion assert a future-facing recommendation? 2. Does Garcia weigh the current political situation of climate finance and climate migration to make this recommendation? 3. Does Garcia sufficiently discuss international cooperation on climate change/finance/migration?