Feminism and Family Values (Part II)

Allison Brown HIST 4340: Women Dr. Hampton 20 April, 2023 Reading Response #3: Feminism and Family Values (Part II) Chapter 10: “Crest of the Second Waves” Marjorie J. Spruill's chapter “Crest of the Second Waves” explores the National Women's Conference of 1977 and its significance in the feminist movement. The conference, which was held in Houston, Texas, was a culmination of years of activism and organizing by feminists across the United States. Spruill argues that the conference revealed the deep divisions within the feminist movement over issues of gender, sexuality, and fam values. She also suggests that the conference marked a turning point in American politics and the women's movement. One of the central themes of the conference was the tension between feminists who prioritized issues of gender and sexuality and those who were more concerned with family values. Spruill writes, "the [National Women's] Conference became the site of a struggle over the meaning of women's rights, with some women arguing for a focus on the status and well-being of women as individuals, while others emphasized the importance of women as wives and mothers in the context of traditional family structures" (pg. 208). This tension was exemplified by the controversy over the "Lesbian Rights Resolution," which called for the recognition of lesbianism as a legitimate form of sexuality. While many feminists supported the resolution as an extension of their commitment to sexual liberation, others saw it as a threat to the traditional family structure. The conference also revealed divisions between different feminist groups based on race and class. Spruill notes that black feminists, in particular, were frustrated by the lack of attention paid to issues of race and class at the conference. She quotes author and activist Alice Walker, who remarked that "white feminists were not interested in talking about race because they were only interested in talking about their own oppression" (pg. 214). This tension was further exacerbated by the presence of conservative women's groups, such as the Eagle Forum, who were vocal opponents of the feminist movement and the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). Spruill argues that the conference was a significant moment in American politics because it brought together women from across the political spectrum, including Democrats, Republicans, and Independents. The conference also marked a turning point in the women's movement, as it signaled a shift away from the more radical feminist activism of the 1960s and early 1970s towards a more moderate and mainstream approach. Sh writes, "the conference demonstrated that the feminist movement was now a powerful force to be reckoned with, one that had the potential to shift electoral politics and public policy in significant ways" (pg. 230). Despite the divisions and controversies surrounding the National Women's Conference, Spruill contends that it was ultimately a successful event. She writes, "the conference was a momentous event that helped to solidify th feminist movement, even as it exposed the internal disagreements that would continue to plague it" (pg. 232). The conference also paved the way for future feminist activism and progress, including the passage of the Family and Medical Leave Act in 1993. In conclusion, Marjorie J. Spruill's chapter on the National Women's Conference of 1977 highlights the complex and often contentious nature of the feminist movement. Through her analysis of the conference, Spruill reveals the deep divisions within the movement over issues of gender, sexuality, and family values. She also suggests that the conference marked a turning point in American politics and the women's movement, 1 paving the way for future progress and activism. Overall, her analysis offers valuable insight into the challenges and opportunities faced by feminist activists in the late 20th century. Chapter 11: “Launching the Pro-Family Movement” Chapter 11 of Marjorie J. Spruill’s Divided We Stand details the rise of the pro-family movement in the late 1970s and early 1980s. The chapter delves into the origins of the movement, its ideological underpinnings, and its effect on American politics. Spruill argues that the pro-family movement, which emerged as a response to the perceived threats posed by the feminist movement and the sexual revolution, played a key role in polarizing American politics around issues of gender, sexuality, and family values. Spruill traces the origins of the pro-family movement to a group of conservative activists who gathered in Chicago in 1977 to form a new organization called the Moral Majority. The Moral Majority, led by Jerry Falwell, was founded with the explicit goal of mobilizing conservative Christians to fight against the perceived threats posed by the feminist movement, the sexual revolution, and other cultural changes. As Spruill notes, “The movement was not just about opposing abortion or the ERA, but about resisting what they saw as the entire cultural revolution of the 1960s and 1970s” (pg. 209). The pro-family movement, according to Spruill, was based on a set of core beliefs about gender, sexuality, and family values. One of these beliefs was that traditional gender roles were essential for maintainin stable families and a healthy society. As Spruill writes, “The pro-family movement sought to reaffirm traditional gender roles as the basis for strong families and a stable society” (pg. 210). This belief was closely linked to the movement’s opposition to feminism, which was seen as promoting an agenda that undermined traditional gender roles and family structures. Another core belief of the pro-family movement was that “homosexuality” was a moral and social threat. As Spruill notes, “The pro-family movement saw the acceptance of homosexualit as a sign of societal decline and moral decay” (pg. 212). This belief was reflected in the movement’s opposition to gay rights and its advocacy for laws that criminalized homosexuality. The pro-family movement’s influence on American politics, according to Spruill, was significant. The movement helped to mobilize a previously apolitical constituency – conservative Christians – and galvanized them around issues of gender, sexuality, and family values. This had profound implications for American politics, as the pro-family movement aligned itself with the Republican Party and helped to shift the party’s platform to the right on social issues. As Spruill notes, “The pro-family movement helped to move the Republican Party away from its historic support for civil rights and women’s rights and toward a more conservative and religiously oriented agenda” (pg. 229). Taken together, Spruill’s chapter on the pro-family movement provides a compelling analysis of the movement’s origins, beliefs, and effects on American politics. By tracing the movement’s emergence in the late 1970s and early 1980s, Spruill helps to shed light on the complex interplay between gender, sexuality, religion, and politics in modern America. Her analysis highlights the ways in which the pro-family movement played a key role in polarizing American politics around issues of gender, sexuality, and family values, and provides valuable insights into the origins and effect of the “culture wars” that continue to shape American society today. 2 While Spruill’s analysis of the pro-family movement in Divided We Stand provides valuable insights into the origins and influence of the movement, it is important to acknowledge the experiences of black women in the feminist movement and their relationship to the pro-family movement. As Angela Davis writes in her autobiography, “The progress of white women in their struggle for equality has often been achieved at the expense of black women, who are frequently relegated to a secondary status” (pg. 98). Black women in the feminist movement faced unique challenges that were often overlooked by their white counterparts. As Davis notes, “The mainstream feminist movement had not come to grips with the fact that women who were nonwhite and/or working-class were oppressed not only as women but also as nonwhite and/or working-class” (pg. 114). This intersectional approach to feminism was not embraced by the pro-family movement, which was largely focused on promoting traditional gender roles and family structures that did not necessarily reflect the experiences of black women. Despite this, some black women did participate in the pro-family movement. As Spruill notes, “Conservative black women embraced the pro-family movement because it reflected their deeply held religious beliefs and their commitment to family values” (pg. 264). However, their participation in the movement was often complicated by the ways in which the movement intersected with issues of race and class. Davis provides powerful critique of the pro-family movement’s approach to family values, arguing that “the model of the traditional nuclear family…is not a viable alternative for most women, particularly black women, who have been denied the privileges and rewards that accrue to the male head of household” (pg. 287). This critique highlights the ways in which the pro-family movement’s emphasis on traditional gender roles and family structures did not necessarily reflect the experiences of black women, who often faced economic and social barriers that made it difficult to conform to these ideals. Despite the challenges faced by black women in the feminist and pro-family movements, their contributions to these movements were significant. As Davis notes, “Black women in the feminist movement have challenged white women to broaden the definition of ‘women’s issues’ to include the problems of poor and nonwhite women” (pg. 115). Similarly, black women in the pro-family movement were able to bring a unique perspective to the movement, challenging its assumptions about what constituted a “stable” family and what values should be promoted. While Marjorie J. Spruill’s analysis of the pro-family movement provides valuable insights into the movement’s origins and its effects on American politics, it is important to acknowledge the experiences of black women in these movements and their relationship to the pro-family movement. Angela Davis’ critique of the feminist movement and her insights into the experiences of black women provide a necessary perspective on th limitations of the pro-family movement’s approach to gender, sexuality, and family values. By recognizing the contributions of black women to these movements, we can gain a deeper understanding of the complex interplay between race, gender, and politics in modern America. Chapter 12: “We Shall Go Forth” Spruill's “We shall go forth” examines the aftermath of the National Women's Conference in 1977 and how the feminist movement and the pro-family movement continued to shape American politics in the 1980s. Spruill argues that the political divisions that emerged during the conference led to the rise of the pro-family movement and the increasing polarization of American politics. Spruill argues that the National Women's 3 Conference “led to the emergence of a powerful new movement, the pro-family movement” (pg. 262). The profamily movement was led by conservative activists who were opposed to the feminist agenda and sought to promote traditional family values. Spruill notes that the pro-family movement "represented a backlash against feminism and a call for a return to traditional gender roles and family values" (pg. 263). The movement was largely comprised of conservative women who believed that feminism threatened their traditional roles as wives and mothers. The “pro-family” movement was successful in promoting its agenda and shaping American politics. Spruill notes that the pro-family movement was “instrumental in electing Ronald Reagan president” (pg. 265). Reagan was a strong supporter of the pro-family movement and his presidency was marked by policies that promoted traditional family values. Reagan's presidency also saw the rise of the religious right, which was a key ally of the pro-family movement. Spruill argues that the pro-family movement was successful in part because it was able to appeal to working-class women who felt alienated by the feminist movement. She notes that the pro-family movement “sought to present itself as a movement for ordinary women” (pg. 267). The movement emphasized the importance of family and motherhood and argued that feminism was a threat to these values. The pro-family movement also promoted the idea that women could find fulfillment through their roles as wives and mothers. The feminist movement continued to be active in the 1980s, but it was increasingly marginalized in mainstream American society.. Spruill notes that the feminist movement “had lost much of its momentum"” (pg. 270). The movement was unable to build on the gains it had made during the 1970s and was largely focused on maintaining the status quo. Spruill concludes by noting that the legacy of the National Women's Conference was mixed. While the conference was a historic moment for the feminist movement, it also led to the rise of the pro-family movement and the increasing polarization of American politics. She notes that “the divisions that emerged in Houston in 1977 have continued to shape American politics” (pg. 291). “We shall go forth” argues that the National Women's Conference in 1977 led to the rise of the profamily movement and the increasing polarization of American politics. Spruill notes that the pro-family movement was successful in promoting its agenda and shaping American politics, largely by appealing to working-class women who felt alienated by the feminist movement. While the feminist movement continued to be active in the 1980s, it was increasingly marginalized. The legacy of the National Women's Conference, according to Spruill, is mixed, as the conference was a historic moment for the feminist movement but also led to the increasing polarization of American politics. Chapter 13: “Onward Christian Soldiers” In Chapter 13, titled “Onward Christian Soldier” Spruill focuses on the rise of the religious right as a key ally of the pro-family movement and the ramifications of this alliance on American politics in the 1980s. Spruill argues that the religious right, which emerged as a political force in the 1980s, played a crucial role in the rise of the pro-family movement. She notes that the religious right was “largely made up of conservative evangelicals who saw the feminist movement as a threat to traditional family values and a moral decline in American society” (pg. 292). The religious right emphasized the importance of family, traditional gender roles, and conservative social values, which aligned closely with the pro-family movement's agenda. 4 One of the key figures in the rise of the religious right was Jerry Falwell, a televangelist who founded the “Moral Majority” in 1979. Falwell, like many other conservative evangelicals, was deeply opposed to the feminist movement and saw it as a threat to traditional family values. Spruill notes that Falwell believed that the feminist movement “promoted the idea that men and women were equal in all respects, which he saw as a violation of God's order” (pg. 295). Falwell and other conservative evangelicals saw the rise of the feminist movement as a sign of moral decay and sought to counter it with a renewed emphasis on conservative social values. Spruill argues that the alliance between the pro-family movement and the religious right was a powerful force in shaping American politics in the 1980s. She notes that the pro-family movement was successful in mobilizing conservative voters and influencing the Republican Party's platform. The Republican Party, under the influence of the pro-family movement and the religious right, adopted a platform that emphasized the importance of traditional family values and opposed abortion and gay rights. Spruill notes that the religious right's “embrace of the Republican Party gave it a voice in national politics and helped to reshape the party's platform” (pg. 308). The effect of the alliance between the pro-family movement and the religious right was felt across American society. Spruill notes that the alliance was successful in mobilizing conservative voters, particularly in the South and the West. She also notes that the alliance had a significant effect on American culture, as conservative social values became more prominent in popular culture and the media. Spruill argues that the alliance between the pro-family movement and the religious right helped to shape American politics and culture in the 1980s and beyond. 5 Discussion Questions 1. Angela Davis writes in her autobiography that “the progress of white women in their struggle for equality has often been achieved at the expense of black women, who are frequently relegated to a secondary status” (pg. 98). a. In what ways did black women participate in and contribute to the feminist and pro-family movements of the late 1970s and early 1980s? b. How do their experiences challenge traditional understandings of these movements as primarily white and middle-class? 2. How did the National Women's Conference in 1977 contribute to the rise of the pro-family movement and the increasing polarization of American politics in the 1980s, according to Spruill's analysis? a. What were the key differences between the feminist and pro-family movements and how did they appeal to different groups of women? b. How did Ronald Reagan's presidency and the rise of the religious right support the pro-family movement's agenda? c. What was the importance of the political divisions that emerged during the conference on the feminist movement's momentum in the 1980s? d. Finally, what can we learn from the legacy of the National Women's Conference and its influence on American politics today? 3. How did the alliance between the pro-family movement and the religious right shape American politics and culture in the 1980s and beyond? a. What were the key factors that made this alliance successful, and what were the consequences of its influence on the Republican Party's platform and conservative social values? b. How did this influence manifest itself in American society, and what influence did it have on the feminist movement and the struggle for women's rights? c. Finally, what lessons can we learn from the history of this alliance, and how can we apply these lessons to contemporary debates over women's rights and family values in American politics? 6