What Is The Word Order Of Eastern Pomo

1. EASTERN POMO. (a) Given this limited data, what is the word order of Eastern Pomo? (b) Based on (1–3), what is the case system (ERG/ABS or NOM/ACC)? (1) xa:su:là wí ko:khóya rattlesnake 1s bit ‘A rattlesnake bit me.’ (2) há: mí:pal s’á:k’a 1s him killed ‘I killed him.’ (3) wí q’a:lálma 1s sick ‘I got sick.’ Point distribution: #1 #2 #3 #4 #5 20 points 5/5/5/5 20 points 5/10/5 20 points 5/10/5 20 points 10/10 20 points 10/10 (c) Now, consider (4) compared to (3). What difference in meaning might account for the different pronouns? (d) Given this, what would you hypothesize (5a–b) mean (that is, what is the difference in meaning between them?)? (4) há: xá:qákki 1s bathe ‘I bathed.’ (5) a. wí c’e:xélka 1s slip b. há: c’e:xélka 1s slip 2. ADVERBS. We looked at adverbs and found that there is a hierarchy of adverbs crosslinguistically. In Italian, French, and many other languages, for example, adverbs meaning already have to come before adverbs meaning completely. In English too, we find this ordering restriction in (1). However, when the adverbs come after the verb (and object), like in (2), the order is reversed. (1) a. b. Pat already completely read the book. * Pat completely already read the book. (2) a. b. * Pat read the book already completely. Pat read the book completely already. (a) How does the adverb well fit into this pattern? That is, where can well go with respect to the verb+object and the adverbs already and completely (When constructing examples to test this, be sure that completely modifies the reading and not, say, well.). (b) We saw that in Malagasy, the lower range of the adverb hierarchy had to appear in reverse, and after the verb. So, although the universal hierarchy has always before completely, in Malagasy, the verb comes first, followed by completely then always. The explanation went like this (t indicates the position from which something moved): Malagasy starts out like: [completely [always [verb]] and then moves the verb around always: [completely [[verb] always t ]]] then moves the [[verb] always] around completely: [[verb always] completely t ] Given this, how might we explain the facts about well from (a) in English? (Consider the verb and object together as a single unit for this.) (c) KOREAN. In Korean, noun phrases can move around fairly freely, so the fact that the object can appear on either side of ppalli ‘quickly’ in (1) can be explained by supposing that in (1b) the object can be moved around ppalli. However, with cal ‘well’, the adverb can only appear after the object (next to the verb). (1) (2) a. Chelswu-nun pelsse chayk-ul ilk-ess-ta. Chelswu-top already book-acc read-past-decl ‘Chelswu read the book quickly.’ b. Chelswu-ka chayk-ul ppalli ilk-ess-ta. a. Chelswu-ka chayk-ul cal ilk-ess-ta. Chelswu-ka book-acc well read-past-decl ‘Chelswu read the book well.’ b. ?* Chelswu-ka cal chayk-ul ilk-ess-ta. (with no pause after cal) You can give an answer which is fairly similar to your answer (b) about English to explain this. What is it? (Just consider moving the object for Korean, not the verb and object together as in English) 3. NAVAJO. In Navajo, ‘the man sees the boy’ can be said either as (1a) or (1b), where (1b) is a passive form like The boy was seen by the man in English (the bi- morpheme signals passive). (a) What is the word order of Navajo? (1) a. Diné ’ashkii y-oo’í˛ man boy YI-see ‘The man sees the boy.’ b. ’Ashkii diné b-oo’í˛ boy man BI-see ‘The man sees the boy.’ (b) In (2-5), we see that there is some restriction on when the passive can be used. You can think of the morpheme bi- as exchanging the subject and object in the structure, so that in (3) at’ééd ‘girl’ is the subject and nímasi ‘potato’ is the object, although the meaning is still such that the potato is doing the burning. What seems to be the rule about what can be subject and what can be object? (c) What does this, plus (5), tell you about ’ii’ni’ ‘lightning’ in Navajo? (2) (3) (4) (5) a. At’ééd nímasi yi-díí˚id girl potato YI-burnt ‘The girl burnt the potato.’ b. * Nímasi at’ééd yi-díí˚id potato girl YI-burnt (‘The potato burnt the girl.’) a. At’ééd nímasi bi-díí˚id girl potato BI-burnt ‘The potato burnt the girl.’ b. * Nímasi at’ééd bi-díí˚id potato girl BI-burnt (‘The girl burnt the potato.’) a. * SᲠshi-˚í˛˛í ’ yi-yiisxí˛ old.age my-horse YI-killed ‘Old age killed my horse.’ b. Shi-˚í˛˛í ’ sᲠbi-isxí˛ My-horse old.age BI-killed (‘Old age killed my horse.’) a. ’Ii’ni’ ˚í˛˛í ’ yi-yiisxí˛ lightning horse YI-killed ‘Lightning killed the horse.’ b. ˚í˛˛í ’ ’ii’ni’ bi-isxí˛ horse lightning BI-killed ‘Lightning killed the horse.’ 4. FA D’AMBU (Southwest Africa). (1) (2) a. Ineni tabaya. ‘They worked’ b. Ineni bi tabaya. ‘They had worked’ c. Ineni ske tabaya. ‘They will go to work.’ d. Ineni xa tabaya. ‘They work (habitually).’ e. Ineni bi ske tabaya. ‘They would have worked / they would have gone to work.’ f. Ineni bi xa tabaya. ‘They worked (habitually).’ g. Ineni bi ske xa tabaya. ‘They would hve been working.’ h. Ineni ske xa tabaya. ‘They will be working.’ a. Bo sa namina kitsyi. ‘You are a little child.’ b. Bo bi sa namina kitsyi. ‘You were a little child.’ c. Bo ske sa namina kitsya. ‘You will be a little child.’ (a) Write a meaning for the particles bi, ske, and xa in Fa d’Ambu (Notice: There doesn’t seem to be an example of something that means ‘They’re working (now).’. Compare (1a) and (2a), (1b) and (2b). Despite using the same particles, the constructions don’t seem to refer to quite the same times. What might be different between the examples in (1) and (2)? Consideration of the next part of the question might help as well…) (b) What kind of language is Fa d’Ambu likely to be based on this data? Mention the characteristics of this type of language that Fa d’Ambu seems to share based on the data given. 4. Syllables and sonority. Suppose a language differentiates heavy syllables from light syllables (for example, say that it puts stress on the last heavy syllable in a word). In this language kaa is a heavy syllable and ka is a light syllable. (a) Suppose that kam is a light syllable in this language; do we expect kat to be heavy or light? (b) Do we expect m to be able to head a syllable in this language (note: in English, m can head a syllable like in rhythm, prism)?