Policy and Supports to Facilitate the Transition to Adulthood Part 3

Current goals Using open-ended questions, youth were asked to identify up to three current goals that were important to them. The most identified goal for youth across all three goals was education (n=87). Several youth were not specific in their education goal, but stated they wanted to gain entrance to a college or wanted to finish school. The second most identified goal was housing (n=56). More than half of youth identified the specific goal of getting their own apartment. A few youth were interested in securing affordable housing or public housing. A few youth were interested in obtaining “better” housing. The third most common goal identified by youth was employment (n=49), either finding a new job or maintaining a current job. Youth were asked who they would go to for help with their primary goal. The most identified group was other organizations or professionals (n=25). Other organizations included: programs or resources (e.g., counselors, therapists, mentors) or state agencies. The second most identified group was family (n=24). Family members included biological parent(s), siblings, as well as extended family members. The third most identified group was DSS (n= 20). Although some youth specifically identified their social worker or adolescent outreach worker as the person they would go to for help, most generally stated DSS. Most notable was the fifth largest category: self or no one. Thirteen (13) youth stated that they had no one to rely on for help or they would rely on themselves for help with achieving their goal. Outcomes at follow-up Follow-up telephone interviews were conducted between 3-6 months after the initial interviews with 24 youth. The interviews were conducted to ascertain changes in the youth’s situations (e.g., employment, and personal well-being). Forty-one (41) youth were eligible for the interview; yet, many youth could not be contacted due to disconnected phone service or the inability of the interviewer to connect with youth after leaving messages on voicemail services. Overall, youth were found to be maintaining their previous life situations. Youth discussed their progress and ability to have accomplished the goals as defined in the first interview. One youth accomplished her goal to graduate with her associate’s degree in nursing, another obtained his GED, while others successfully transitioned into independent living. Furthermore, none of the youth reported any periods of homelessness between the initial and follow-up interviews. Yet some youth seemed to be facing similar life challenges as before. One youth was expecting a baby, another was struggling in his relationship with his mother, while another had been unable to secure her first apartment because she had been unable to find a good paying job. Bivariate Analysis Question 1: How do young people still in care compare with those not in care regarding: services received, experiences in DSS, and outcomes? Table 23 provides data comparing service receipt (both pre- and post-18) for those still in DSS care versus those not in care. At the time of the survey all youth were at least age 18 but some were voluntarily in care (i.e., “still in care”). All respondents reported on services that they received before they turned 18 and after they turned 18. Those still in care received more assistance reconnecting with family prior to age 18. As for post-18 services, those still in care reported receiving more assistance: completing high school or GED, employment services, accessing health care, and with housing assistance. 28 Table 23: Comparison of Services Received Pre-18 Completing HS or GED Reconnecting with family Employment services/job training/job search Life skills training/PAYA Accessing health care Housing assistance Post-18 Completing HS or GED Reconnecting with family Employment services/job training/job search Life skills training/PAYA Accessing health care Housing assistance Still in care n=59 Not in care n=37 statistical test 48% 63% 34% 43% 38% 43% 64% 83% 51% 68% 84% 43% 49% 22% 27% 19% χ2=4.62 <.05 41% 22% χ2=3.72 <.10 34% 19% 73% 58% 43% 22% χ2=5.65 <.05 χ 2=8.43 <.01 χ 2=11.98 <.01 Table 24 provides a comparison of the two groups regarding their experiences in DSS care. There were no significant differences on the objective experience (age at first contact, number of foster and group placements). However, there was a significant difference in comparison on the youth development empowerment scale and the satisfaction scale. Those still in care reported more empowering experiences and also greater satisfaction with their treatment. Additionally, those still in care more frequently had an outreach worker. Age of first DSS contact Table 24: Comparison of Experiences in DSS Still in care Not in care n=59 n=37 9.32 9.62 (5.66) (4.96) statistical test # foster placements (since 14, at least one month) 3.56 (6.02) 4.08 (6.07) # group placements (since 14, at least one month) 1.81 (2.71) 1.65 (1.81) Had outreach worker 63% 35% χ 2 = 6.93 <.01 Empowerment scale 2.28 (.24) 4.75 (1.42) 2.12 (.29) 3.01 (1.41) t=3.16 <.01 CSI 29 t=5.90 <.001 We examined the relationship between current status in DSS and contacts with birth families, identification of a mentor, or identification of other supportive adults. No significant associations were identified in these analyses. Table 25 provides the data examining the relationship between current status in DSS and a variety of outcomes. Many, but not all, were significant. Being in care was related to: less parenting; less homelessness; more education; more employment; more income from work and DSS but less from TANF, SSI, and family. Additionally, being in care was associated with more income, better emotional health and health care access, less exposure to violence, and less frequency of incarceration. For all of these variables, however, the direction of the relationship is uncertain. It is possible that remaining in care provides a protective function resulting in better outcomes. It is also possible that young people who are doing better are more likely to be still in care. These data cannot determine the direction of the relationship (i.e. whether being in care leads to better emotional health or whether those with better emotional health are those who choose or are encouraged to be in care). 30 Table 25: Relationship between Care Status and Outcomes Parenting Living situation On own Group/resid/shelter All other N=96 Still in care n=59 15% Not in care n=37 33% statistical test χ 2 = 4.24 <.05 36% 20% 44% 27% 8% 65% Ever homeless 24% 57% χ 2 = 10.71 <.01 Post-18 education Enrolled in HS Enrolled in GED program Enrolled in job training Enrolled in college Enrolled in no educ/trng 59% 17% 29% 53% 2% 43% 19% 30% 27% 22% χ 2 = 6.05 <.05 χ 2 =10.63 <.01 Currently employed 61% 22% χ 2 =14.22 <.001 Sources of income Employment DSS stipend TANF SSI Child support Family Foster family (non-relative) Foster family (relative) Friends 78% 80% 12% 12% 2% 22% 9% 5% 25% 57% 5% 38% 27% 8% 46% 14% 3% 22% χ 2 =4.85 <.05 χ 2 =50.17 <.001 χ 2 =8.98 <.01 χ 2 =3.59 <.10 M=$753 (sd=$513) M=$411 (sd=$400) t=3.39 p<.01 76% 56% 92% 75% 60% 38% 62% 43% 15% 32% 34% 20% 2% 54% 5% 52% 30% 32% 35% 19% 68% 22% Total monthly income Good/excellent physical health Good/excellent emotional health Had physical in last year Seen dentist in last 6 months Injured w/weapon past 12 mos. 5+drinks in a row, past 30 days Illegal drugs, past 30 days Arrested, past 12 mos. Incarcerated, past 12 mos. Felt sad/hopeless, past 12 mos. Unwanted sexual contact, past 12 months 31 χ 2 =6.05 <.05 χ 2 =2.98 <.10 χ 2 =12.35 <.001 χ 2 =9.53<.01 χ 2 =14.34 <.001 χ 2 =8.83<.001 χ 2 =3.47<.10 χ 2 =5.97<.05 Bivariate Analysis Question 2: How do different demographic groups compare regarding services received, experiences in DSS, and outcomes? Analyses examined whether there were differences in services received, experiences in DSS, and outcomes for three demographic variables: gender, race, and sexual orientation. Because of small numbers in some of the categories, we recoded these demographic variables: gender (female vs. other), race (white, black, Hispanic, other), and sexual orientation (heterosexual vs. other). Regarding services received, only one significant relationship was identified. Non-heterosexual youth were more likely to receive life skills instruction than heterosexual youth (93% compared to 61%; χ2=6.05, p<.05). Analysis that examined demographic comparisons regarding experiences in DSS found no significant differences among groups. These data suggest no difference in gender, race, and sexual orientation on the age at first contact with DSS, number of foster home and group placements, access to voluntary care and to the outreach program, and feedback about experiences with care (feelings of empowerment and satisfaction with services). Table 26 provides data regarding comparisons of the demographic groups in terms of outcomes. Several significant relationships were identified. • Current parenting was related to gender but not race or sexual orientation. Thirty-one percent (31%) of females currently had children living with them, compared to 8% of male or transgender youth (χ 2=6.39, p<.01). • There were no differences in current living situation. There was, however, a difference by gender for experience with homelessness. Female youth were less likely to have been homeless since age 18 (30% compared to 47%; χ 2= 2.88, p<.10). • Heterosexual youth more frequently were enrolled in high school post-18 compared to other youth (57% vs. 33%; χ 2= 2.80, p<.10). • Other differences were found in sources of income. Although 56% of heterosexual youth received income from a DSS stipend, only 27% of youth of other sexual orientations received a stipend (χ2= 4.23, p<.05). Heterosexual youth were less frequently receiving SSI income (15% vs. 33%; χ 2= 2.98, p<.10). As for TANF income, 28% of females received this income compared to 11% of other genders (χ 2= 3.91, p<.05). Females were, however, less likely to receive income from friends (18% vs. 33%; χ 2= 2.78, p<.10). For SSI, 15% of heterosexual youth received SSI compared to 36% of other sexual orientations (χ 2= 3.45, p<.10). • Monthly income levels were higher for heterosexual youth (M=$660 vs. M=$399; t=3.07 p<.01). • Heterosexual youth were more likely to report good or excellent emotional health (53% compared to 27%; χ 2=3.54, p<.10). Among racial groups, Whites most frequently reported good or excellent emotional health (62%), followed by Blacks (48%), Latinos (35%), or other races (20%) (χ 2=6.34, p<.10). 32 • Heterosexual youth were less likely to report they had been injured with a weapon in the past 12 months (25% compared to 53%; χ 2=5.03, p<.05). • Female youth were less frequently arrested in the past 12 months (18% compared to 39%; χ 2= 4.94, p<.05) and also less frequently incarcerated (only 2% compared to 19%; χ 2= 9.31, p<.001). • Heterosexual youth less frequently used illegal drugs in the past 12 months (28% compared to 60%; χ 2= 5.69, p<.05). Excessive alcohol use was less of a problem for females (23% compared to 44% (χ 2= 4.67, p<.05). It was also less of a problem for heterosexuals (22% compared to 80%; χ 2= 19.67, p<.001). • Females were more likely to express feelings of depression (68% compared to 44%; χ2=5.32, p<.05). Blacks were less likely to report feelings of depression (36%) compared to Whites, Latinos, and other races (64%, 70%, and 80%, respectively; χ 2= 7.92, p<.05). • Unwanted sexual contact in the past 12 months was less frequently reported by heterosexual youth (9%) than youth of other sexual orientations (27%) (χ 2= 3.96, p<.05). There was also a significant relationship with race. Among Latinos, 26% reported sexual contact against their will within the past 12 months, compared to 16% of Black youth, but only 2% of White youth, and 0% of “other” youth (χ 2= 9.12, p<.05). 33 Table 26: Relationship between Demographics and Outcomes N=96 Outcomes Parenting Gender YES Race No Sexual Orientation No No No No No No No No No No YES No No Post-18 education Enrolled in HS Enrolled in GED program Enrolled in job training Enrolled in college Enrolled in any educ/trng No No No No No No No No No No YES No No No No Currently employed No No No No No YES No No No No No YES No No No No No No No No No No YES No YES No No No No No Total monthly income No No YES Good/excellent physical health Good/excellent emotional health No No No YES No YES Injured w/weapon, past 12 mos. 5+ drinks in a row, past 30 days Illegal drugs, past 30 days Arrested, past 12 mos. Incarcerated, past 12 mos. Felt sad/hopeless, past 12 mos. Unwanted sexual contact, past 12 mos. No YES No YES YES YES No No No No No No YES YES YES YES YES No No No YES Living situation On own Group/resid/shelter All other Ever homeless Sources of income Employment DSS stipend TANF SSI Child support Family Foster family (non-relative) Foster family (relative) Friends 34 Bivariate Analysis Question 3: What is the relationship between services received prior to age 18 and later outcomes? Looking at key outcome variables we examined whether receiving a specific service was related to better outcomes. Table 27 identifies the significant relationships found between individual services and outcomes. Here we provide greater detail about these relationships. • Receiving assistance completing high school or GED was related to later homelessness: 27% of those reporting receiving HS or GED assistance prior to age 18 reported later homelessness compared to 44% who did not receive this educational assistance (χ 2= 2.96, p<.10). • Youth reporting receiving help reconnecting with family prior to age 18 were more likely to be employed (59%) compared to those not receiving this help (31%) (χ 2=7.40, p<.01). There was also a relationship with current parenting: 14% of those who had received help reconnecting with family were currently parenting compared to 32% who had not received this assistance (χ 2=4.49, p<.05). • Of those receiving employment assistance, 42% reported having been injured with a weapon in the past 12 months compared to 22% of those not receiving employment assistance (χ 2= 4.36, p<.05). • Receiving life skills instruction was related to two outcomes. Of those reporting receiving life skills instruction, 43% reported good or excellent emotional health compared to 61% of those not reporting receiving life skills (χ 2= 2.73, p<.10). Only 3% of those reporting life skills instruction reported being incarcerated in the past year, compared to 18% who did not receive life skills instruction (χ 2= 6.39, p<.05). • Sixty-six percent (66%) of those reporting receiving help with health care pre-18 reported good or excellent physical health in the survey. This is lower than those who reported not receiving assistance with health care (88%) (χ 2= 2.86, p<.10). Receiving help with health care was also related to later incarceration. Six percent (6%) of those reporting receiving health care assistance were later incarcerated compared to 19% of those not reporting health care assistance (χ 2=2.73, p<.10). • Receiving housing assistance was related to later homelessness. Of those who reported housing assistance prior to age 18, 26% experienced later homelessness, compared to 46% of those who did not receive housing assistance (χ 2= 4.10, p<.05). Also, 20% of those reporting housing assistance pre-18 reported being injured with a weapon in the past 12 months, compared to 38% of those who did not receive housing assistance (χ 2= 3.94, p<.05). • Youth who reported having had an adolescent outreach worker were more frequently employed (54% vs. 37%; χ 2= 2.80. p<.10) and had significantly higher monthly income at the time of the survey ($793 vs. $437, t=3.71, p<.01). Although some of these reported relationships appear to make sense, notably receiving housing assistance related to decreased homelessness, others appear counter-intuitive. For example, receiving help with health care was associated with poorer self-reported physical health and receiving life skills instruction was related to poorer emotional health. This may indicate that these services may be provided 35 more frequently to more vulnerable youth. Perhaps, for example, services may be provided more frequently to those in residential or group settings; consequently, it may be the impact of this placement experience that is related to the outcome variables, rather then the effect of the specific service. Table 27: Relationship between Services Received and Outcomes N=96 HS/ GED No YES No No No Reconnect w/family YES No No YES No Emplo yment No No No No No Good/excellent physical health Good/excellent emotional health No No No No Injured w/weapon past 12 mos. 5 + drinks in a row, past 30 days Illegal drugs, past 30 days Arrested, past 12 mos. Incarcerated, past 12 mos. Felt sad/hopeless, past 12 mos. Unwanted sexual contact, past 12 mos. No No No No No No No No No No No No No No Parenting Ever homeless Enrolled in any educ/trng Currently employed Total monthly income Life Skills No No No No No Health Care No No No No No No No No YES YES No No No No No No No No No No YES No No Housing No YES No No No Outreach worker No No No YES YES YES No No No No No No No No No YES No No YES No No No No No No No No No No No No No Advice to Government Leaders The last question on the survey was open-ended, asking respondents: If you had one piece of advice you would like to give the governor and other leaders in Massachusetts about young people your age who were formally in foster care, what would you like to say? Nearly every young person interviewed had something to say. On this question we serve as the conduit between the voices of the former foster youth and the leaders in Massachusetts. The full responses, unedited, are provided in Appendix B. Our review of the data suggests that the vast majority of responses are provided by thoughtful and concerned youth. Some are related to cautions about foster care, based on their own earlier negative experiences. Many suggest the need for more assistance for this population; some express gratitude for assistance already received. Others remind us that these young people are much like everyone else; they are trying to attain age-appropriate goals and request support and encouragement to do so. 36 Findings: Qualitative Study of Youth Returning to Care The findings from the qualitative study are presented in six sections. First, we provide demographic data and brief biographical summaries of the 16 young people who were interviewed. Pseudonyms are used throughout this section. n Race Caucasian Latino Other 4 2 -- Parental Status have a child pregnant none 2 -4 Characteristics n Age at leaving 16 17 18 19 1 -4 1 Age at return 18 19 20 21 3 2 -1 Months between leaving and returning Table 28: Demographics Males (n= 6) % Females (n=10) n % 67% 33% 4 4 2 40% 40% 20% 33% -67% 2 1 7 20% 10% 70% Table 29: DSS Experience Males (n= 6) % Females (n=10) n % 17% -67% 17% -3 7 -- -30% 70% -- 50% 33% -17% 5 4 1 -- 50% 40% 10% -- M=14.5 M=9.67 37 Biographical Summaries Tiffani is an 18 year old Caucasian female. She had a history of running from care. Tiffani ran away from care at age 17 because her foster mother told her to get out. Before signing in for voluntary services she became pregnant. She signed back into care two months after learning she was pregnant. Tiffani spent a total of nine months out of care. She received voluntary services for six months before receiving a letter stating her case had been closed. Dylan is a 19 year old Caucasian male. He signed a voluntary agreement at age 18 but left one month later because he felt he was working and caring for himself and did not think that he should be receiving a check from DSS. While out for 21 months, he had several episodes of homelessness. Dylan signed himself back in for voluntary services to get a little bit of help and because he had heard through the grapevine that DSS could offer him services. It has been one month since Dylan signed the voluntary agreement. Chris is an 18 year old Caucasian male. He has had three exits and entries from care starting at age 17. His most recent exit occurred at age 18. Chris left care because he wanted to live closer to his family and had plans to live with a friend. When his plans to live with a friend fell through, he ended up living on the street for four months. Chris signed back into care because he was homeless. Chris spent four months out of care. It has been two months since he signed the voluntary agreement. Sarah is a 21 year old Caucasian female. When Sarah signed a voluntary agreement at age 18, she moved to an independent living placement. While at the placement, Sarah had disagreements with the other female residents and staff. She ended up being discharged by DSS. Sarah was out of care for eight to nine months and during this time period she lived in a rooming house for a short time and then moved in with her father. Sarah signed back in at age 19 after her father told her it was time for her to move and she did not know what she was going to do next. It has been almost three years since Sarah signed the voluntary agreement. Angelina is a 19 year old Latina. She had a history of running from care. She was on the run for seven to eight months prior to her 18th birthday. Angelina was placed in DYS custody, for being on the run, for several weeks before her 18th birthday. While on the run, Angelina worked and lived with an adoptive relative. Approximately seven to eight months after turning 18, Angelina walked into her old DSS office to ask for help; she needed a place to live. It has been six months since Angelina signed the voluntary agreement. Jasmine is a 19 year old female of Caribbean descent. At age 18 she signed a voluntary agreement and continued with DSS for eight months. Jasmine decided to leave care because she did not want to continue attending college and because she was working and making good money. Jasmine said although she was not ready to leave, she made the responsible decision of informing DSS that she was no longer in school so she could close her case the correct way and not get into trouble. While she was out of care for six months, Jasmine worked and lived with a friend. Although Jasmine continued to meet with her outreach worker while she was signed out, she contacted DSS about signing a voluntary because she wanted to go back to school. It has been five months since Jasmine signed the voluntary agreement. Iago is a 21 year old Latino. At age 18 he signed a voluntary agreement and stayed for one year. During that time period, Iago lived in an independent living facility and with a relative. His case was closed after he reported to his social worker that he was having difficulties in his relative’s home. Iago reported that his DSS worker told him that if he left his relative’s home his case would be closed; he left. While out of 38 care for two years, Iago lived with three different friends. Iago decided to contact DSS for voluntary services because he needed help paying his rent and because he felt as if he was at a dead end. It has been 2 months since Iago signed the voluntary agreement. Nina is an 18 year old Latina. She had a history of running from care. At age 17 she was living with a relative who was her foster parent. Nina was kicked out of her foster home. She reported that she didn’t inform DSS of her whereabouts because she did not want to be sent back to Western Massachusetts. While out of care for a year, Nina lived with a friend, became pregnant and lived with her child’s father. Nina contacted DSS for voluntary services because the apartment she was living in was getting too small for her and the baby. It has been seven months since Nina signed the voluntary agreement. Samuel is a 20 year old Latino. He had a history of running from care. At age 16 ½ Samuel left his foster placement because he did not feel comfortable living with another family and because he knew he could take care of himself. While out of care, Samuel lived with relatives in another country and later returned to the U.S. to live with a girlfriend. After returning to the U.S., Samuel worked various jobs to support himself. He contacted DSS the day after his 18th birthday because he knew he would no longer have to be in a foster placement. Samuel made contact with DSS because he knew his social workers were concerned about him. It has been almost three years since Samuel signed the voluntary agreement. Danyl is a 21 year old Caucasian male. He had a history of running from care. Danyl left on his 18th birthday because he wanted out “wicked” bad. He felt as if he was treated badly during his time in care and wanted to take a break. While Danyl was out of care, he lived with a relative and with his girlfriend. He worked various jobs and obtained his GED. Danyl reported that he knew he had reached the ending point for his job and wanted to go to college. He contacted DSS for voluntary services because he was mostly interested in what “DSS could give me for the years of pain I went through with them.” It has been almost 18 months since Danyl signed the voluntary agreement. Fernanda is a 20 year old Latina. She had a history of running from care. She left care at age 17 ½ because her mom convinced her to return home even though she was not completely convinced she should return to her mother. Fernanda said she was tired of being in different programs. While out of care for almost two years, Fernanda lived a short time with her mother and also with her grandmother. She moved with her mother out of state. Fernanda reported that while out of care she was unable to work; she experienced an episode of depression; and she was using drugs and alcohol. While living out of state, she continued to speak with her previous worker’s supervisor. With the encouragement of a relative, Fernanda called DSS when she returned to Massachusetts to ask for help. She was told that DSS could reopen her case. She stated that she was very excited about receiving voluntary services. It has been three months since Fernanda signed the voluntary agreement. Anna is a 19 year old Caucasian female. She was briefly placed in foster care at age 14 but was returned to live with her mother who agreed to voluntary services. Anna lived with her mother until age 18. During this time period her mother continued to receive voluntary services. At age 18 she moved out of her mother’s home and moved in with her sister. Anna contacted DSS for voluntary services because her school counselor told her that she could be eligible for educational assistance. It has been eight months since Anna signed the voluntary agreement. Katie is an 18 year old Caucasian female. She left DSS custody on her 18th birthday in order to live with her mother. Katie reported that she was encouraged by DSS to remain in care but that she decided to leave care in order to give her mother a chance. Although Katie was out of care for five months, she continued to stay in contact with her social worker. She stated she knew she wanted to come back the day after she left and told her social worker she wanted to sign the voluntary. Katie said while she was 39 working with DSS to return, she was arrested. However, she did not have to complete any jail time because DSS showed up in court and told the judge they had a placement for her in a program. It has been four months since Katie signed the voluntary agreement. Doug is a 19 year old Caucasian male. He signed a voluntary at age 18 but signed out of care four months later because he was having issues in his foster home. He returned to his mother’s home. Doug reported that the plan was for him to stay in his foster home throughout his college career. However, Doug was unable to do so because of the stress he was experiencing in his foster placement, due to a disagreement with his foster mother. He stated it was easier for him to return to his mother’s home, rather than for DSS to find another placement. When Doug signed out of care, he knew he would return two months later for voluntary services in order to receive financial assistance for college. It has been six months since Doug signed the voluntary agreement. Carla is a 19 year old Latina. At age 18 she signed a voluntary agreement and continued to live in a foster home until she was told by the foster parent she could no longer live there. Carla stated she was rebellious during that time period. She moved to a group home and lived there for three months. Carla reported that after she turned 18 she did not fulfill the requirements of her voluntary agreement: holding a job and going to school; therefore her case was closed. She said that she did not feel ready to go to school, but it was being pushed upon her by DSS staff. After the group home, Carla became homeless. She lived on the streets and in shelters for approximately three months. While Carla was out of care, she continued to speak with her outreach worker. Carla was told by her outreach worker that she needed to prove that she had made changes in her life before she could get one “last chance” from DSS. She obtained and maintained a job. Carla stated that she returned to care because she wanted to return to school and because she needed help financially. It has been eight months since Carla signed the voluntary agreement. Jesi is a 20 year old bi-cultural woman of Caucasian and African American descent. Jesi voluntarily signed herself into care at 17 and again at age 18. Jesi stated that both times she was looking for housing stability for herself and her infant daughter. After living in a residential and independent living setting for a little over a year, Jesi moved out to live on her own. She stated that upon moving out, she decided to quit school because she did not like school and because she wanted to make money. Jesi stated her case was closed at that time because she was no longer enrolled in school. Over the course of her time out of care --13 months -- Jesi moved ten times. She lived in a couple of teen living programs and with family and friends. Jesi stated she returned to care because she wanted housing stability. It has been two months since Jesi signed the voluntary agreement. 1) Why do young people choose to leave care? Independence: Consistent with others in their age group, foster youth, regardless of their runaway status or exit at age of majority, want to make independent decisions. Some decisions had to do with how they would care for themselves. “I just decided that I was capable of taking care of myself and didn’t need the system. I figured I had a job. I had a car and my apartment. Everything was going good. So I figured I wouldn’t need the extra assistance from DSS and all that.” [Dylan] “I didn’t want to be at [program]. I wanted to take the semester off. So I called my social worker and told her and she said, ‘OK, we can close the case’.” [Jasmine] 40 Other decisions had to do with reconnecting with members of their biological families. “…Then she [mom] came to see me one day. For a couple of weeks after that, she’s like, ‘you should come home, come home.’ And I was like no. Then I decided like the second I turned 18 I wanted to go home. So I just went home when I was 18.” [Katie] Placement failures: A salient theme among youth that explains their exit from care was the failure of their last placements. Placement failures seemed to occur when there was a lack of communication and mediation between youth and foster parent/residential program or when youth perceived their foster parent or program to be unfair. “…Although, I can see where she comes from, the reason why I left was because she made me feel guilty and blamed me for other things….We were really close at one point, but the relationship we had was totally lost.” [Doug] Placement failures could also be attributed to the behaviors of youth. Youth were able to assess their own behaviors which may have caused their placements to fail. “…I kind of got kicked out of the independent living program…Not really kicked out, I actually left on my own because I wasn’t getting along with the other girls there.” [Sarah] “Teenagers, they like to go out and be with their friends and she didn’t want to let me do anything at all. It was like a little conflict, there, sometimes.” [Nina] Tired of programs and placements: A long experience in care seems to play a role in a youth’s decision to not continue with voluntary services at age 18. Youth who spent a long period of time in care and who had multiple placements conveyed an immediate and definitive desire to leave care at age 18. “I wanted out wicked bad…I felt I didn’t get treated properly because I kind of got tossed in foster homes throughout [city]...So when I turned 18 and they asked me to sign on, I didn’t want to sign on. I wanted to take a break -- a few years’ break, that’s what I needed.” [Danyl] “I was done with DSS. I had been in DSS since I was 3 months old…I got shipped around to wherever they wanted me to go.” [Angelina] Runaways: Placement failures also contributed to youth becoming runaways. Youth left placements when they got into disagreements with foster parents. For example, when a youth removed herself from a foster home and, ultimately, from DSS, she knew she would be considered a runaway. “I was on the run because my foster mother told me to get out. I got a back pack and left.” [Tiffani] A concern mentioned by youth who ran away from care was related to having multiple placements. Youth who left care seemed to have had numerous placements throughout their time in care. This concern resulted in youth removing themselves from their placements: “I was sick of leaving everything every two weeks. I moved around a lot. So many places.” [Tiffani] 41 “Once I got the opportunity to leave, I left. I didn’t want to deal with that again, for them sending me back to [city] or somewhere even farther than [city]”.[Nina] Along with not wanting to move to another placement, youth who were runaways expressed not feeling as if their placements were their homes. “It’s hard to live in other people’s houses; it’s uncomfortable.” [Samuel] 2) What was the planning process like in preparing for independent living/adulthood? You got to be responsible. You got to make your appointments every month, your dentist and eye doctor. Those are all things that responsible people do: go out food shopping, pay that bill for electric, pay that phone bill, pay the rent, take out the trash, clean the house, you go to school, you go to work 40 hours a week. That’s all. This is it. I’m fully grown up (laughs). And you know what? I like it. [Sarah] Youth were able to recall their preparation for independent living. Youth discussed what they were most concerned about, who was involved, and what actions were taken. Youths’ preparation for independent living was diverse in content and depth. Some youth were exposed to significant supports and activities that would ultimately help them to navigate life after age 18, while other youth expressed not having access to people and activities that would help to prepare them for adulthood. What were youth most concerned about? Youth seemed to have had many concerns about their transition from care. Even though some youth expressed several concerns, one main theme could be identified from their accounts of the planning process. Youth expressed concern about where they would live after they turned age 18. Some were concerned about the physical location of their next placement or type of placement they would be assigned to. “I was just scared about living in [city] because I was always from [another city]. I never thought about living that far away.” [Sarah] For other youth, concerns about their next living situation were also entangled with concerns about the level of restriction they would have to negotiate in their placement after turning 18. “I was scared they were going to stick me back in a foster home, try to basically treat me like I was a little girl.” [Angelina] “It was more about not going to be in a setting where I’m not going to have a lot of freedom. I was afraid I was going to go to more of a group home, where you have certain freedoms, but not a lot.” [Carla] “I just wanted to live on my own. I didn’t want to live in foster care. I didn’t. To me the way I’d seen it was independent living was going to be a house full of kids and somebody watching you all the time, and I didn’t want that. I don’t like that.” [Samuel] 42 Youth also expressed concerns typical of their peers: finances, housing, being able to make it in school and on their own. One youth summed up these types of concerns by stating: “Financial. Everybody thinks about money, you know. School. I’ve always thought about school, if the work was going to be hard, if someone could help me…I’ve always thought about that. I easily get embarrassed; I don’t want to turn in a shitty paper, you know. So financially, school. Living situation in general, you know.” [Iago] Who was involved? Not surprisingly, youth reported that DSS, program and professional staff were the driving forces in helping them to understand the important skills and concepts to gain before their exit from care. Youth received help from: DSS caseworkers, counselors/therapists, and residential program staff. Less expected were youths’ reports that family members played a role in the preparation process. “My sister, she was helping me.” [Nina] “I’d say more than anybody else my uncle. My uncle, he was kind of the one who showed me to be a man. This is what you got to do, you need to work. He helped me out more than anybody in DSS before I turned 18, definitely.” [Danyl] The array of staff and family who contributed to youths’ planning processes were often their biggest motivators and cheerleaders. “And I had all the other people helping me, counselors, therapists, sister, saying, ‘This is something you can do. This is something you want. Just keep fighting for it and you’re going to be fine.’ So a lot of support keeping me going. ‘Don’t give up; you’re doing a wicked good job.’ All of that kind of support and motivation definitely helped me. I had my doubts.” [Anna] “My foster mother, she was very cooperative. She had a lot of lessons to teach us. I had to give credit to my foster mother above everything else. When I was in her house it was very bootcamp like.” [Doug] What was discussed? Although youth did not identify the concepts and activities discussed with their workers or other professional staff as independent living skills, in general, their discussions revolved around learning life skills that would help them learn how to be responsible for themselves. These independent living responsibilities mainly included tangible skills: budgeting, cooking, shopping, laundry, resume building, job search/interview skills, and transportation skills. “That’s what they wanted to do to help me out; get ready for you to understand. Get a better job. Help you manage your money, so you know how the bills are going to be paid. They were going to tell me everything how to get ready for it.” [Samuel] - “So when it came to getting my license permit, paying for driver’s ed, she helped me go through ‘alright, this is how much money you had and this is how much money for each thing’.” [Anna] 43 Education and general planning for the future were discussed by a few youth. Youth and workers discussed finishing school and continuing to pursue additional educational and vocational training. “Obviously, they told me to stick with school and don’t quit.” [Anna] “She talks to me about applying to college, what my essay should look like. We discussed what would happen on my way to college…” [Doug] Although some youth seemed to know that they could sign back into care at age 18, only two youth reported that signing back into care was a part of their planning process. What actions were taken? Some youth reported that nothing was done to prepare them for adulthood. Moreover, they didn’t seem to be concerned about not having had preparation. Youth who reported not being prepared by staff or foster parents stated that they didn’t need formal or informal preparation because they were capable of caring for themselves. “No, because I kind of already know. The other thing too, at my mother’s house, my birth mother’s house, I was the one always cleaning, cooking, doing laundry, getting my little sister ready for school, whatever the case may be. It was always me being the mother figure. So DSS already knew that; they didn’t have to explain anything extra to me because I already knew what I had to do as an adult. So they didn’t have to speak to me about it. And they still don’t because they know I know what I have to do.” [Jasmine] “It was alright [PAYA]. It was confusing. Like most stuff I knew how to do it. When I was living at home, I did everything by myself. I took care of myself. So I knew most of it…Taking care of myself, I can do that. It was kind of easy.” [Katie] “No, it was just mainly myself. I was thinking about, you know, doing things on my own, not trying to get that much help -- like learn from my own mistakes.” [Nina] Youth reported having access to PAYA materials during their preparation process. Access for some youth meant they were given the books but no additional assistance. However, having access to materials did not automatically translate to acquiring life skills. Some youth were given PAYA books and no additional assistance. “I did fumble through the books. I did try to take advantage of the financial opportunities that came with PAYA. I don’t believe PAYA is that great of a program, in the sense that it’s just not as intimate as it should be. I think that foster parents should definitely take initiative with PAYA, probably to push lessons on the kids instead of having them fumble through books.” [Doug] “I would finish a couple of them, but then I just threw the rest away.” [Nina] “..I tried doing that [PAYA] once to get money for driving school…I barely got through the first couple of pages.” [Chris] 44 One youth spoke about how PAYA lessons were integrated into everyday activities. Integrating PAYA lessons into daily routines seemed to help with understanding the goals of PAYA lessons. “We would actually go and do activities like learn how to compare when you shop, learn bus routes, how to pay rent, how to make a list of things to budget, how to do miscellaneous, the necessities, the wants and stuff like that...it was not just sitting down reading the book [PAYA]…We’d go over it and do activities based on the answer you give. We’d go to the grocery store, stuff like that.” [Fernanda] 3) Role in decision making process: Before 18 and after 18 It’s different because back then, before you are 18, DSS, not like they run you, but they are in charge of you. You have to go where they tell you to go. You have to do what they tell you to do. Not necessarily do what they tell you to do, you would have to go to school and get a job… Now, after I’ve turned 18, it’s like I run them, than they run me. If I need help, I can go to them and ask if I can get that kind of help, and if I can, they will, stuff like that. Back then, I couldn’t suggest, oh yeah I need help with this or that. It was kind of hard. It’s hard to explain it. [Nina] Youth were asked if they had a role in making decisions during their time with DSS. Several youth expressed they felt they did, although they often qualified their statements. “At times, yes. Largely just because I tend not to be rebellious or I tend to do very well in school and things that DSS tends to find virtuous in a kid so, yes I did get to make decisions but not always do you get to make decisions. If you need to improve in school, that is definitely something that will be set upon you. But where I went to school, I actually had a part-time job. Everyone was basically, or just asking me to keep it up. So, when we had reviews, I was able to make suggestions, definitely because the work I got so into it with my social workers and things like that, I was able to make decisions.” [Doug] “Yep. More or less. Yeah, my voice is always loud.” [Iago] Most youth, however, stated that they did not have a role in making decisions before they turned 18. The reasons had to do with their status as a minor or stipulations around case plan goals. Youth seemed to understand the nature of being a minor and being in foster care. Youth used this dual position to make sense of their inability to make decisions while in care. For some youth, they felt as if they could not contribute their thoughts. “Definitely not. I had no control. Anything I said got shot down. I pretty much thought they looked at me always as a kid who didn’t know what he was talking about.” [Danyl] “I was in their custody before, but that was by, I was under 17. I had no choice. That was the way it was. I was under this whole CHINS thing. I was on juvenile probation. I was with the court systems. I was in DSS custody. I really didn’t have any decision-making.” [Sarah] “…I never thought that I was going to have to think about that because all that weight was on my DSS worker’s shoulders. I never considered myself important in the DSS role because if I said 45 ‘hey I want to be placed here’, my social worker would look at me and say, ‘no you’re placed where you are’. There was actually a couple times when I said ‘hey I want to be moved’ and never got moved.” [Dillon] For others, they felt as if they could express their thoughts or offer an opinion, but the ultimate decision about what they could do or could not do was up to DSS. “Not really. In some ways, you probably could. But I didn’t really feel like I did. Even if I wanted something, they were like, nah. If I wanted to visit my mom, they said she could come visit me but I couldn’t go to her house and stuff like that. They just, I don’t know. No, I can’t really explain it but I feel like I never had any decision because even if you wanted to do something, they always make the final decision. You can put your input in, but it’s up to where you live in DSS mostly.” [Katie] “I felt I didn’t. Basically, before you turn 18, before 18 you really don’t have a lot to say. You can have your opinion. You can’t make a final decision. I felt like I didn’t. I had more of an opinion than a decision-making. Just for the fact I was under 18 and the adults had to do all the decisions for me. But, if there was a decision I wanted to do independent living and do stuff, and felt it was a positive outcome, then they’d approve it. But if it was something else that they felt that wasn’t going to benefit me, then you know, I only had an opinion on it, so it was basically I had to do what they said.” [Fernanda] “Yeah I spoke my mind all the time. I told them how I felt about the situation or whatever. But at the end of the day it’s really based on what’s going to come down. They have to make the last choice at the end. Even though I don’t like it, it’s not what I like, because you are a minor and you belong to the State. And they choose what’s going to happen to you either way or not.” [Samuel] In some instances, youths’ attempts to gain control resulted in negative outcomes. “Anything that went on in my life in DSS, I had no control…When my grandmother passed away they didn’t want me to go to the funeral, so I ran away…I wasn’t allowed to see anybody in my family and my whole family was going to be there. I totally disagreed with that so I ran away. I ended up doing two weeks in lock-up for that, but I didn’t care. Because I seen my grandmother before she got buried. I loved my grandmother; she was like my mother.” [Danyl] “Yeah. I had control over what houses I stayed in. So I made my stay shorter. I used to argue with some of the foster parents. Trying to do what I needed to do. And that would be a problem. Not trying to be a part of your family. Why would I focus on the family that wasn’t my family? I would tell my worker and she would come and mediate.” [Tiffani] The majority of youth expressed an increase in their level of decision-making since returning to care. “Yes…A big role. I’m in the driver’s seat. I’m the big chief; everything goes through me.” [Iago] “You know before it was all regulated by foster homes and DSS. Now it’s all regulated by me. Basically I run my own life now. I don’t look at DSS and say OK this is what I’ve got to do, help me. Now it’s OK I’ve got the life skills. DSS has given me a little bit of help, I’m gonna run with it, I’m gonna do it my own way instead of DSS way I guess.” [Dillon] 46 “I’d have to say I’ve had the opportunity to make choices 100%...I’m in control. Right now.” [Angelina] After age 18, at times, youth seemed to have a mutual relationship with their caseworker. Youth saw their caseworker as a sounding board or source of assistance. “Now, it’s a little different, because I do have a little bit, little bit of a say here in the decisions. I feel like this is not going to work for me, or I feel that the place I’m in is not going to do me good, or I feel like the school is not doing good for me. I let them know the decisions I make and they do respect it, more than when I was under 18.” [Fernanda] “Yeah…everything…because I went back on my own choice. And I needed their help, so they are helping me out with what I need to do as long as I keep my part of the deal. If they ask me to do certain things, if I don’t get them done, I really can’t expect anything from them.” [Samuel] “I actually asked them for suggestions, like what schools do you think I should go to… And I was like, that doesn’t sound bad, I took their advice, and then I said, that’s what I’m going to do. They helped me out on that part.” [Danyl] 4) Working with adolescent outreach workers: Before and after 18 And the outreach workers, there’s not enough for all the kids in Massachusetts. There’s not enough funding…Because it’s a known fact already that the small amount of outreach workers that they do have now, that the kids love their outreach workers more than they do their social workers. Because you have that one-on-one once a week with them, and you’re always active, and you’re always doing something positive. [Jasmine] Youth were asked if they had an adolescent outreach worker before leaving and after returning to care. Only a few youth were assigned an adolescent outreach worker before they left care. For these youth, the adolescent outreach worker seemed to be the anchor that kept them connected to DSS while they were out of care. In addition, youth described how their adolescent outreach worker helped them return to care. “I think the fact that even though I wasn’t in care with them for a couple of months, my outreach worker was still meeting with me and still talking to me and constantly updating me on how I can improve myself and what things I can do in order to sign myself back into care.” [Carla] “Yeah, she did everything. She’s the one who got me reconnected and everything…She was definitely my connection to DSS, to signing back in.” [Jasmine] “I had my outreach worker. I believe I met her around that time. She had hooked me up with discharge money and when I didn’t really know where to go. I couldn’t go back with my family. I ended up going to a, what do you call those things, a rooming house. I ended up staying at a rooming house… But after that, I got, they signed me back on.” [Sarah] 47 Youth seemed to think highly of their outreach workers as individuals and as partners that helped them to achieve their goals. For these youth, outreach workers appear to be zealous and persistent. “Oh we talk weekly. Probably a couple times a week. I call her if I need her for something. She calls me if she’s wondering something or she’s wanting to let me know about a job and you want to come in for a resume, I’ll help you out with the resume. Wicked helpful. Really helpful.” [Danyl] “She’s passionate about what she does, and she’s out there trying to get me motivated to stick with school, working. And trying to get to the point where DSS will offer me more benefits.” [Carla] “The outreach worker is still working with me, but at that level I didn’t have the same respect that I do for him now. So I used to be more independent in my searches. I would not refer to him…I kind of looked past the possibilities of the outreach worker. But eventually he got on my butt…He started to talk to me about what we could do. He would ask if we could have meetings. He calls me from time to time. Says, ‘This is the opportunity I have for you, are you going to take part in it or not? This is all you have to do.’ He’s just, he watches out for me more. And, I guess he kind of figured out I wasn’t going to jump up and run with him, that he needed to drag me along.” [Doug] “The outreach worker is excellent. She just started too. She’s my age I think, probably a few years older, probably 24, 25. She’s excellent. She’s already got me signed up in school. Education and training vouchers, you gotta have before you’re 21. She got it in 2 days.” [Iago] “I’m actually involved with this adolescent outreach worker. She helps me look for jobs, cars, and all that. And that helps out a lot because sometimes I really don’t know where to look.” [Dillon] Moreover, youth seemed to feel as if their outreach worker cared about them as individuals. “Yeah, the outreach worker is incredible. I wish I had her my whole life. She’s awesome. She’s constantly calling me asking me if I’m all right. She’s worried about me. And when I was in DSS, I didn’t feel like anybody cared about me, anybody was worried about me. It’s just different.” [Danyl] “Well the adolescent outreach really helps. Just the support knowing that I have somebody that I can call if something goes down. Since me and my parents haven’t really had the best relationship, I don’t wanna call them, like say, if I get into a car accident. My father would probably just be like ‘oh it’s your fault’, click. I can call up my social worker and be like ‘hey, I got into a car accident, what do I do, who do I call?’ You know. Just pretty much just the advice factor really helps knowing that there’s somebody there that I can just call and talk to if I’m having a hard day or if I need advice on something I can call him up or my adolescent outreach worker and they can help me.” [Dillon] 48 In some instances, youth made clear distinctions between the role outreach workers play and the role of their caseworkers. “It was more of my outreach worker. She was a lot more helpful than my DSS worker. The one I had in the beginning, when I was 16, she was very helpful. I met with her on a weekly basis.” [Carla] “She’s my outreach worker. She’s not my social worker. An outreach worker is different. They’ll meet with you one-on-one. They meet with you once a week, not once a month. So they’re more on top of you about getting stuff done.” [Jasmine] “I’ll tell you why. I’m 21 now, the thing is, my social worker, she deals with a much younger crowd, so she, not saying that she doesn’t have time, but I’m kind of at the bottom of her list because she does have 16-year-olds that are in need of services. And I’m left on the back burner because I’m the one she don’t need to worry about. OK, she’s OK. She’s whatever. She’s fine. So, I think that’s what I’m trying to get at is…my outreach worker, she’s been fabulous. She’s always there for me and thank God for her. I mean she’s just, I don’t know where I’d be honestly. She’s definitely been there for me now and she’s helped me out a lot, DSS has helped me out a lot…I know why I have the social worker. I think the outreach worker, I think she’s been there; she’s done everything for me. I don’t even know why I have the social worker. I’ve never even seen her, like maybe, whatever. I ain’t trying to put anybody down, but I just…” [Sarah] 5) Returning to DSS for voluntary services “I felt like I turned to my mother and father, which was DSS. I think that when kids turn 18 and 19 and think they know everything. They leave off to college and stuff or run off to their own apartments, but they run back to their parents’ house, right, when they can’t pay their rent or make it on their own. They fall back to their parents’ house, well most of them do. I felt them, DSS, as much as I didn’t like it, DSS has been my mother and father whether or not I liked it or not.” [Angelina] Wrestling with their decision: The process by which youth return to DSS for voluntary services was a thoughtful one for most youth. Youth wrestled with their decision to simply contact DSS, much less, ask for help. Their thoughts, and sometimes discussions, about returning seemed to last for an extended period of time. “I was thinking about it from the day I left. But I knew, I still needed my break no matter what.” [Danyl] “I was thinking about calling my social worker to ask for help. I never actually thought about signing back in. I just was thinking about calling to say hi, not to ask for help. I pondered on it for about a month. I just never took the initiative. I don’t like rejection; they’d be like, we can’t help you.” [Iago] 49 A couple of youth who ran from care and did not age out, shared the following about how long they had been thinking about contacting DSS: “When I turned 16 ½, I was like, I only have to wait a year and a half.” [Samuel] “Once I turned 18 -- that’s when I called.” [Nina] Youth struggle with their decision to contact DSS for several reasons: wanting to try independence and wanting to live on their own without DSS or program rules. “…I kind of wanted to see if I could actually do it on my own, you know. I still wanted to see if I didn’t need them. It was more of a pride thing. I’m a very proud person and I didn’t want nothing to do with DSS, and I didn’t want to fall back on my face.” [Angelina] Delay in returning and its consequences: For some youth, returning to care meant they had to demonstrate their seriousness to DSS staff. This meant they had to secure work and/or education before they would be allowed to sign back in. “It was probably like three months because I knew I couldn’t sign in right away. …I couldn’t still open my case because much time hadn’t passed and they wouldn’t open it just because I was back in school. They wanted me to be back on track fully.” [Jasmine] Although most youth did not report any negative thoughts about this requirement, some struggled to maintain their living situation during this time period and, in some instances, deteriorated during this unofficial probationary period. “They had to find a place for me. When I was waiting for them to find a place, the whole jail thing happened. I went to jail. That day I went to court, they were going to commit me for 90 days, but DSS showed up and was like, ‘Oh, we found her a place’.” [Katie] “And for a while I was actually homeless...And during that time they told me I could sign myself back in, but that they needed to see that I was making different changes in my life, like actually obtaining a job and maintaining it, following the rules, just making sure that I was following the service plan that was in place. And they gave me basically like a time limit of when I could come back to them and try to sign myself back in, and that was a good two months…I was staying at a friend’s house for the last two months that I wanted to go back to them.” [Carla] Being prompted: Even though many of the youth contacted DSS voluntarily, without the assistance of others, some were prompted to do so by previous DSS workers or other adults involved in their lives. “I didn’t actually know until my aunt told me about it.” [Anna] “They [lawyer] called my aunt and told her she was trying to get in contact with me. So I called her back and she asked me how I am doing and she wanted to know how I was and all this. And I told her I was doing fine, that I wasn’t going to tell anybody where I was at because I didn’t want to take the risk of them sending me away. And she was like, ‘no it’s fine’ -- that after I turned 18 that I can call DSS so they can reassign me, so they can give me help and stuff like that.” [Nina] 50 One youth described how her adolescent outreach worker stayed in contact with her while she was out for nine months and tried to get her back into care. “She [outreach worker] called me one day and said, ‘You know what? Let me see if I can get you signed back on.’” [Sarah] Reasons why youth return: The complex situations in which youth find themselves played a significant role in their decision to return to care. Youth expressed many reasons why they returned to care. Often, there was a combination of reasons. Three main reasons were identified: maintenance of current living situation, crisis, and/or goal pursuits. Youth who were working and/or going to school stated they returned to care because they needed some assistance, either financial or emotional, in keeping their lives on track, or they wanted to receive the benefits of being in care: housing, education, and/or health care assistance. “…the main reason why I signed back in was for help with paying for college.” [Anna] “Just having somebody there, you know. Help you and understand the goals is it that you want, and help you out and do whatever they can, in the sense that when I signed back on, they told me to go to school and that there’s benefits to everything.” [Samuel] For other youth, returning to care was an immediate need. Youth who had no place to live or who were bouncing from place to place, youth who were not employed, and youth who were parenting or expecting a child, returned to care in order to stabilize themselves. For these youth, returning to care meant being able to meet their most basic needs. “I basically slept in [city] with people I didn’t know….They’ve been the only ones to supply a roof over my head whether or not I liked it...So I went crying to DSS and asked them if they could help me.” [Angelina] “I got pregnant in November and my aunt’s spouse no longer wanted me there.” [Tiffani] “I was becoming an alcoholic. I was smoking weed every day. When I came back, that’s when I really hit rock-bottom. [Fernanda] “Because it was starting to become difficult financially, the questions and stuff, for me the future questions about school and how I was going to pay for it. I was at a dead-end. I needed to get into school or I have no hope. I need to get a better job, these minimum wage jobs ain’t paying my way. And I’m not worth that. I’m not worth $200.” [Iago] “I was homeless. I had nowhere to go. I had no friends. I had no connection whatsoever to live. So I knew what I had to do was to sign back in. It was the only option that I had.” [Chris] Youth who returned to care because they were developing thoughts about their future seemed to reach a turning point while living on their own. In some instances, the turning point was a result of their inability to care for themselves and for others. The turning point was a result of their figuring out they wanted and needed more for themselves and their future. 51 “ …but painting isn’t good because in the winter there’s not enough of work. So that’s what made me decide to go back to DSS to get a college degree….I’d reached my ending point in painting. I decided I didn’t want to be a painter anymore for the fact there’s not constant work, no benefits, no retirement plans.” [Tiffani] “I want to go back to school this fall. I can’t be a bum, all my friends are in school, and why am I not in school. And my friends that weren’t in school, I love to death, but they’re not going anywhere in their life, so it’s just like, I know I don’t want that.” [Jasmine] “…I figured you know everyone else is going to college, why can’t I? Why don’t I? I’m bright enough. I can, if I apply myself, I can do something. And I figured, OK, I can apply myself to college, I can get an education, get a better job, make more money, you know, make a life for myself.” [Dylan] Entitlement: For several youth, contacting DSS was partially about DSS owing them something. This feeling of entitlement seemed to be connected to youths’ previous placement experiences. “…thought maybe they could help me. Figured since I was in the system for 15 years, thought they could help.” [Tiffani] “I was mostly interested in what DSS could give me for the years of pain I went through with them.”[Danyl] “…I felt like I deserve everything they’ve helped me with since I turned 18….it might sound a little arrogant and entitled, but I feel like I deserved it. Because there was a lot of things they never gave me, and I feel there are a lot of things they should have done for me.” [Angelina] 6) Outcomes Table 30 provides data describing each individual youth’s current situation on five key outcomes. Review of these data suggests wide variation in the lives of youth. Although there were some areas of difficulty, generally youth were not doing poorly across the domains. Each youth exhibited strengths in certain areas. The Health domain appeared to be the strongest across the board with all respondents reporting at least “good” health. Education also seemed to be a category in which most were having success. Many have either finished educational requirements or were enrolled in educational programs. For example: “It’s going good. I’m at the point where I’d been dying to go back to school, I really wanted to go. So, I’m more passionate about it. I’m actually doing my homework, studying, doing what I’m supposed to be doing. I’m looking forward to completing it and working as hard as I can to get good grades.” [Carla] Perusal of data regarding housing suggests fairly stable situations that appear primarily positive. This might be in contrast to the typical situations for this population. Perhaps the general sense of satisfaction is due to the contrast with earlier housing situations which were worse. The data also suggest the use of group settings for some of the young people and the desire of many to move to a better place. 52 “It’s going okay, I think. I have very little space because it’s me and my daughter, because it’s crowded. I would like to be out more. My room is really small and I have my bed, my bassinet, my drawer, my TV. It’s really crowded in that room. If I had my own place, she’d have her own room. I’d have a living room where I could watch TV. I would really want my own house, my own apartment, you know. Two bedrooms.” [Nina] “I am on the list for Section 8. It will take 1-2 years because I live with family. I like where I am living now but accommodating a baby here might not work. Grandmother doesn’t want a baby here. There are shelters. You don’t have to be homeless in Massachusetts with a baby.” [Tiffani] “Housing’s decent. It could be a little bit better. I’m kind of sleeping on the floor right now, because … the person that I’m living with, she has an open heart, an open door. A lot of her kids’ friends live with us and we just don’t really have the space to have everybody have their own bed, so I’m kind of sleeping on the floor. But it’s awesome because I get the advice from her and the advice from my friends. And I get to see my friends all the time.…It’s just more stable now that I’m trying to get my life on track. It’s stable to have a place instead of sleeping in the park.” [Dillon]. The Employment domain appeared to be the most variable as well as an area of challenge. Although there were some clearly good outcomes in this domain, there were employment struggles for most youth. Many youth were either unemployed or employed but looking for a better job. Few indicated that they were working consistently and had jobs they enjoyed. “I’ve been applying everywhere and nobody is hiring or, I don’t know, they just don’t want to hire me because I don’t have experience or I don’t have a high school diploma. I’ve been applying mostly in [city] and [neighboring city] because I have no transportation. I’ve applied to clothes stores, restaurants, no fast food, no way, I don’t want to work there. I’ve applied to many different places, like movies, stores, stuff like that.” [Nina] The Relationship domain also demonstrated a wide variety of responses; some youth seem quite satisfied with the nature of their relationships others suggest this is an area of difficulty. For example: “[Work] that’s my source of going out, that’s how I meet people. I’m going to be honest with you, I don’t have any friends. I go there and kind of listen to music and talk to the people. I like short conversation, I like talking to people that don’t know nothing about me…’cause I don’t like people to pity me. I don’t know. I think it’s my pride I think it gets the best of me, and that’s not a good thing either, I know that. I don’t like people to pity me. I think if people knew everything I went through or people knew my past and people knew anything about me, I feel that people would feel bad for me. Then they’d only care for me because they felt bad for me, and I don’t want that. I would like them to get to know me for the person that I am now. I wouldn’t even want anybody to know anything about me from the past. I think that’s why I like the shorter conversations.” [Angelina] 53