Two Crises in Cuba

TWO CRISES IN CUBA Bay of Pigs Debacle (B) - A Quagmire of Groupthink Why did the advisory group fail so miserably? Janis asserts that groupthink was a substantial factor as its symptoms were present within the group. 1. Illusion of invulnerability: Evidence abounds that Kennedy's inner circle was highly cohesive and buoyantly optimistic in the early months of the President's tenure. According to Arthur Schlesinger, a group member, they were "affected by the euphoria of the new day." They were particularly in awe of the President. "He had won the nomination and the election against all the odds in the book," Schlesinger said. Added Robert Kennedy, "It seemed that . . . nothing could stop us . . . we would overcome whatever challenged us." 2. Dismissal of opposing ideas: The suppression of opposition occurred largely because outside experts were excluded from participating in the group meetings and lending their expertise to the analysis of the plan. Roger Hilsman, Director of Intelligence and Research in the State Department, urged Dean Rusk to allow the Department's Cuban experts to study the plan and assess the group's assumptions. Rusk refused and did not inform Kennedy of Hilsman's concerns. 3. Tendency to moralize: There is no evidence to suggest that the group ever discussed the moral or ethical questions involved in a militarily superior nation launching an unprovoked attack on a much smaller and weaker country. 4. Sterotyping the enemy: Castro was repeatedly regarded as a weak "hysteric" and ineffective leader who, "although warned by airstrikes . . . would do nothing to neutralize the Cuban underground." 5. and 6. Group pressure to conform and mindguards: Pressures to conform were exerted by individual group members, notably by President Kennedy and his brother Robert, who served as an effective mindguard. The President "allowed the CIA representatives to dominate the entire discussion," writes Janis. Kennedy allowed Senator J. William Fulbright, an outsider and eloquent opponent of the plan, to present his views to the group. But Kennedy did not open the floor to discussion on the issues raised in Fulbright's speech; rather, he immediately called for a straw vote on the plan. Robert Kennedy's activities as a mindguard included a stern reply to Schlesinger's doubts expressed during a birthday party for Kennedy's wife, Ethel. "Don't push it any further," Kennedy urged. "Now is the time for everyone to help him (the President) all they can." Rusk also served as a mindguard. 7. Self-censorship: In his book, Kennedy, advisor Ted Sorenson wrote that, among group members from the State Department and White House staff, "doubts were entertained but never pressed, partly out of a fear of being labelled 'soft' or undaring in the eyes of their colleagues." Schlesinger expressed his objections to the plan in a memo sent to Kennedy and Dean Rusk; but .he admits he suppressed those objections during the group meeting because of the fear of being tagged "a nuisance . . . one's impulse to blow the whistle on this nonsense was simply undone by the circumstances of the discussion." 8. Illusion of unanimity: According to Schlesinger, "Our meetings took place in a curious atmosphere of assumed. consensus." Members such as Schlesinger and Rusk kept their reservations to themselves and their silence was assumed to be consent to the plan. The President's group had committed the "perfect failure" which encouraged military agreements between Cuba and the Soviet Union. Within 18 months, these agreements placed the U.S. and the Soviet Union on the brink of nuclear war. And, virtually the same decision-making group again faced the same question: Should the U.S. invade Cuba? The Cuban Missile Crisis (B) - The Elimination of Groupthink The handling of the crisis by Kennedy and his ExCom was considered to be an extraordinary success in part because the Soviets retreated without obtaining any real concessions from the U.S. Why were Kennedy and the committee successful? One popularly-supported explanation is the "wisdom and self restraint" exercised by Kennedy and ExCom, which combined bargaining, negotiating and compromise without resorting to a military ultimatum. Janis asserts that the group's decision-making processes—which were the antithesis of groupthnk--played a major role. Here, according to Janis, is a summary of the group's characteristics: 1. No illusions of invulnerability or consensus: Throughout the group's deliberations, members continually expressed their awareness of the potentially catastrophic consequences of their proposed actions. From the start, members strongly disagreed with each other, despite the recognized need to reach a consensus; at some point in the group's deliberations, each ExCom member changed his mind concerning U.S. strategy at least once. The environment of intense disagreement and uncertainty was extremely stressful; many members rarely slept; bouts of irritation and lost tempers were frequent. Robert McNamara experienced "the most intense strain I have ever operated under." 2. Active solicitation of advice from outside experts: Assistance from staff members of the Departments of State and Defense and from Cuban experts and Kremlinologists was eagerly sought in evaluating action alternatives. 3. Formal changes in decision-making procedures: Kennedy instituted four changes which improved the group's decision-making processes. First, each member was assigned the role of a skeptical generalist, a critical thinker who was responsible for evaluating all alternatives, not just those typically within the realm of his own agency. Second, formal rules of procedure were set aside. No formal meeting agendas were set; visitors were frequently brought in, encouraged to state their views, and were thoroughly questioned. Third, when evaluating a particular policy decision, ExCom would split into two subgroups with each group working separately on the issue and the committee later reconvening with each group openly debating and evaluating the other's conclusions. Finally, the President, recognizing the stifling effect his presence might have on members' frankness, did not attend several sessions, particularly the earlier ones where alternatives were being discussed for the first time. 4. Nonstereotyped perceptions of the enemy: ExCom continually showed respect for the Kremlin's political expertise and maintained an open-minded perspective in an attempt to understand the Soviet's actions and the reasons behind them. 5. Discussion of moral issues: Many group members, particularly Robert Kennedy, continually pressed upon ExCom members the moral consequences of military action alternatives. Kennedy likened a surprise Cuban invasion to a "Pearl Harbor in reverse . . . inhuman, contrary to our traditions and ideas . . ." 6. Devil's advocate: Ironically, it was Robert Kennedy, the zealous mindguard in the President's Bay of Pigs advisory group, who served with equal effectiveness as ExCom's devil's advocate, pressing the group to consider all alternatives and posing "worst possible" scenarios for each proposal. Whenever members lapsed into stereotypical views of the Soviets or bouts of military machoism, Kennedy prodded with difficult questions. Finally, it must be asked: How could a group which had performed so abysmally lift itself up from the quagmire of groupthink 18 months later and successfully resolve one of the most difficult crises in American history? Janis believes that Kennedy's assumption of sole responsibility for the Bay of Pigs fiasco and the group members' mutual support while under public fire prevented the group from disintegrating after the Bay of Pigs. Secondly, the fiasco sensitized the Bay of Pigs advisors (who were later key ExCom members) to the need to institute more careful and effective decision-making processes within the ExCom group.