A vs. A-Bar Movement and Scrambling

SCRAMBLING 1. What is scrambling? A general term for the process that derives non-canonical word order in languages with “free word order” such as German, Japanese, Russian, German, Hindi. In such languages, constituents can occur in a variety of orders without change of the core meaning of the sentence: (1) a. b. Mary-ga sono hon-o Mary-NOM that book-ACC ‘Mary read that book’ sono hon-o Mary-ga that book-ACC Mary-NOM ‘Mary read that book’ yonda (koto) read (fact) Japanese yonda (koto) read (fact) Some questions that have been addressed in the literature on scrambling: 1. Is it a uniform phenomenon or just a cover term for a family of constructions 2. How does it differ from related constructions such as Object Shift 3. Technical issues concerning the nature of the process involved: a. Movement or base-generation? b. If movement, what kind of movement (A, A’ or a third type of movement?) 4. What is the account for the semantic effects induced or not induced by scrambling 5. How can the optionality of the construction be accounted for? Is it optional? The term ‘scrambling’ is due to Ross (1967) who proposed that there is a scrambling transformation which alters the order among constituents inside the clause (short-distance scrambling) and applies in the stylistic component of the grammar. In the early generative literature scrambling languages have been treated as nonconfigurational following Hale’s proposal that there is a configurationality parameter (Hale 1983; see also Chomsky 1981, Farmer 1980). Warlpiri and Free word order: the only requirement is for the AUX to appear in "second" (Wackernagel's) position. 1 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. (2) a. S Aux O V Ngarrka-ngku ka wawirri pnati-rni. man-Erg Aux kangaroo spear-NonP 'The man is spearing the kangaroo.' b. O Wawirri Aux V ka panti-rni S ngarrka-ngku. V c. Panti-rni Aux S ka ngarrka-ngku O wawirri. "...no truly convincing case has been made for a basic order of constituents, nor has any convincing evidence been forthcoming in favor of a movement analysis..." (Hale 1994, p. 185). However, later research has shown that there is no evidence for non-configurationality in Japanese, German, etc. Two types of scrambling: Scrambling is either Short Distance (clause-bounded) or Long Distance Not all languages have long-distance scrambling Japanese, Korean, Hindi have both short distance and long distance scrambling. German has short distance scrambling. Dutch has short distance order-preserving scrambling (while non-order preserving scrambling in Dutch can also be long-distance, but is it scrambling? see fn 6 in Thráinsson). 2. Since we talked about Object Shift….. Within Germanic, Object Shift (OS) is said to occur in Icelandic, Norwegian, Swedish, Danish while Scrambling is said to occur in German and Dutch. Main properties of the two processes (see Thráinsson’s paper) and their differences. a) Movable constituents - OS can only affect pronouns or (in Icelandic) object DPs, not PPs: 2 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. (3) a. b. c. Jag kysste henne inte [VP tv to] I kissed her not Ég skilaði manninum ekki bókinni I returned the man-DAT not the book-DAT 'I did not return the book to the man' *Jón talaði [við Maríu] ekki t John spoke to Mary not Swedish Icelandic Icelandic Scrambling may affect DPs and PPs: (4) a. b. c. d. (5) a. b. c. d. dass that dass dat that dat Hans Hans Hans Jan Jan Jan nicht die Bücher not the books die Bücher nicht niet de booken not the books de booken niet kauft buys kauft koopt buys koopt dass dat that dass dat Hans Jan H/J Hans Jan kaum auf meine Bemerkung nauwelijks op mijn opmerking hardly on my remark auf meine Bemerkung kaum op mijn opmerking nauwelijks reagierte reageerde reacted reagierte reageerde b) Structural Conditions -OS is subject to Holmberg’s Generalization (V-raising plus the other restrictions we saw). -Scrambling doesn’t seem to be subject to HG. It can take place when there is an auxiliary and a participle: (6) a. dass that Hans das Buch H. the book nicht not gekauft bought hat has This is incompatible with Chomsky’s 1993 explanation for HG, compatible with Bobaljik’s 1995 explanation for HG, compatible with F&P’s explanation for HG. German scrambling is not order preserving: DO>IO orders and O>S orders are ok. Dutch non-focus scrambling is order preserving *DO>IO orders, *O>S orders. c) Landing sites In Scandinavian OS the landing site is immediately to the left of sentential adverbs and negation: 3 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. (7) a. b. c. Þá máluðu then painted bílana rauða cars red Þá máluðu then painted stundum t sometimes t *Þá máluðu bílana allir all strákarnir the boys stundum sometimes allir strákarnir bílana all the boys the cars rauða red allir strákarnir stundum t rauða There are a few cases of ‘long OS’ in Swedish and older Scandinavian Danish and Norwegian, with 1st, 2nd person and reflexive pronouns: (8) Därför gav mej Marit inte någon present Therefore gave me Marit not any present ‘Therefore Mary did not give me any present’ In German scrambling the IO and DO can move across subjects (so, one could argue that the landing site is higher): (9) a. (10) b. a. b. dass der Schüler den Lehrer nicht that the student-NOM the teacher-ACC ?dass den Lehrer der Schüler nicht ?dass die Antwort den Lehrer nicht that the answer-NOM the teacher-ACC dass den Lehrer die Antwort nicht t t überzeugt not t convinces t überzeugt t überzeugt not t convinces überzeugt In Dutch, scrambling of the object across the subject is possible only when a special focus reading is involved (i.e. in focus scrambling): (11) a. b. (12) a. b. dat that *dat Jan die boeken Jan the books die boeken Jan niet not niet t t t dat that dat zelfs Jan zulke boeken niet even J. such books not zulke boeken zelfs Jan niet koopt buys koopt t t koopt buys koopt 4 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. Scandinavian OS Icelandic Other Germanic Scrambling German yes yes no yes no yes no yes Moves to a low position yes Moves to a high no position yes no yes yes yes no V-raising no order-pres. yes yes Moves full NPs Moves pronouns Moves PPs HG Dutch non focus scrambling yes yes yes no V-raising yes order-pres. yes no 3. What is the nature of the movement involved? 3.1. Hypothesis 1. Scrambling targets two distinct positions Mahajan (1990, 1994): "scrambling" is either A-movement (argument shift) that is induced by Case, or A'-movement (adjunction to XP). A-movement Scrambling: O S; S O IO -Overrides WCO effects (13) a. ??? uskei maalik-ne kOn sii kitaabi itsi author-Erg which booki 'Which book did its author throw away.' b. pheNk dii threw away kOn sii kitaabi uskei maalik-ne ti pheNk dii which booki itsi author-Erg ti threw away 'Which book did its author throw away.' (14) a. ?*Whoi does hisi mother love ti? (A'-movement) b. Whoi appears to hisi teacher ti to be a genius? (A-movement) -Alters binding possibilities: landing site for A-scrambling relevant for BT (15) a. * apnei maalik-ne ek naukari selfi's boss-Erg a servanti 'Self's boss dismissed a servant.' b. ? ek naukari apnei maalik-ne ti a servanti selfi's boss-Erg ti naukari service se nikaal diyaa from dismissed naukari se nikaal diyaa service from dismissed 5 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. Does not undergo reconstruction (16) a. b. raam-nei mohan-koj apniii/j kitaab Ram-Sub Mohan-IO self's book-F-DO 'Rami returned self'si/j book to Mohanj.' lOTaaii return-Perf-F raam-nei apniii/*j kitaab Ram-Sub self's book-F-DO lOTaaii return-Perf-F mohan-koj Mohan-IO t t A'-scrambling In languages like Japanese or Hindi scrambling can be long-distance and can be analysed as a successive cyclic adjunction process, similarly to English Topicalization: (17) sono hon-o1 [ John-ga [t'1 Mary-ga t1 yondo to ] itta ] (koto) that book-Acc John-Nom Mary-Nom read COMP said (fact) 'John said that Mary read that book.' Long distance scrambling has A’ properties a. Does not override a WCO violation: b. Does not provide a new binder: (18) * kon saa aadmiii uskiii/apniii bahin-ne socaa [CP ki raam-ne ti which mani-DO hisi /selfi's sister-Sub thought [CP that Ram-Sub dekhaa thaa] seen be-Past] 'Which mani did his/selfi 's sister think that Ram had seen ti?' ti Can undergo reconstruction (19) a. b. ek duusre-koraamOr siitaa t pasand karte Hen each other-DO Ram and Sita t like 'Ram and Sita like each other.' ek duusre-ko kamlaa soctii He ki raam Or siitaa t pasand kare HEN each other-DO Kamla think that Ram and Sita t like 'Kamla thinks that Ram and Sita like each other.' Note that (19a) is a case of short distance scrambling, i.e. the correct generalization is that long-distance scrambling is A’ movement while short distance scrambling can be A or A’ movement. Mahajan (1990): A-scrambling is movement to an IP (AgrS, T, AgrO) SPEC (L-related) position: 6 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. [IP NPj [I’…..tj…..]] A’ scrambling is adjunction (non-L-related position): [IP NPj [IP…..tj…..]] One could exclude long distance A scrambling by appealing to the fact that A-movement is bounded….(see Mahajan 1990 for a binding-theoretic account of this, see Saito 1992 for an alternative based on locality, i.e. on the idea that A-movement must be 0-subjacent and CPs are barriers)1. Tada (1993): Long-distance scrambling is reconstructed obligatorily (Tada's argument is based on Saito's (1989) observation that long-distance scrambling may undergo "radical" reconstruction). (20)a. Daremo-oi dareka-ga ti sikatta. everyone-Acci someone-Nom ti scolded 'Everyone, someone scolded.' every >> some, some >> every b. Daremo-oi dareka-ga [sensei-ga ti sikatta to] omotteiru. everyone-Acci someone-Nom [teacher-Nom ti scolded Comp] scolded 'Everyone, someone thinks that the teacher scolded.' *every >> some, some >> every 3.2. Hypothesis 2. Webelhuth’s Paradox and Webelhuth’s third type position Based on German which does not have long distance scrambling Scrambling shows mixed A / A’ movement properties even within the same construction: (21) (22) ?Peter hat jeden Gasti [ohne e anzuschauen] seinemi Nachbar t vorgestellt Peter has every guest-Acc without to look at his neighbor introduced 'Peter introduced every guest to his neighbor without looking at him.' ?Peter hat die Gästei [ohne e anzuschauen] einanderi t vorgestellt Peter has every guest-Acc without to look at his neighbor introduced 'Peter introduced every guest to his neighbor without looking at him.' Here we find mixed properties: on the one hand, a parasitic gap is licensed, a property of A'-movement. On the other hand, the scrambling involved does not trigger weak crossover (an A-movement property). 1 I am not sure I see what is meant here. probably, that scrambling cannot undergo successive cyclic movement through Spec,CP and hence CP becomes a barrier by Inheritance ? (crucially for A scrambling and not A’ scrambling which adjoins to IP…). 7 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. This mixed behavior has become known as "Webelhuth's Paradox". Webelhuth’s A’ diagnostics Properties of Operator and Argument Chains O-chains + + + + + 1. Moves DP 2. Moves PP 3. Mover lacks Case 4. Licenses parasitic gaps 5. Strands prepositions A-chains + - With respect to these properties Scrambling qualifies as an O-chain and OS as an Achain. -DPs undergo the process Wh-movement (23) Which book did John read t? Scrambling (24) weil because Hans das Buch Hans the book wahrscheinlich t gelesen probably read hat has Passivization (25) The book was stolen t Object Shift (26) Han köpte den inte t -PPs undergo the process Wh-movement (27) [To whom] did you talk t? Scrambling (28) weil because er he [mit ihr] with her nicht t tanzen wollte not dance wanted 8 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. Passivization (29) *At Mary was looked Object Shift (30) *Jag I tror believe [pa in det] it inte t not -Mover lacks Case -Not the case in wh-movement -Not the case in scrambling: (31) weil because den Jungen the boy niemand nobody gesehen seen hat has -Not clear in object shift (W. says that the landing site in OS can be a Case position). -Parasitic Gaps Wh-movement (32) What did John file t [without having read e]? Scrambling (33) a. b. ?weil er den Patienten [ohne PRO vorher e zu untersuchen] because he the patient without first to examine t operierte operated *weil er [ohne PRO vorher e zu untersuchen] den Patienten operierte because he without first to examine the Patient operated Passivization (34) *The article was filed t [without having read e] Object Shift (35) *Jag kastade den inte t [innan jag I threw it not before I ‘I didn’t throw it away before I had read it’ hade had läst e] read In addition, scrambling can show ‘anti-crossover effects’ just like wh-movement: 9 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. (36) *weil erk [die Behauptungen, die Hansk während der Konferenz gemacht hatte] zurücknehmen musste because hek [the claims that Hansk during the conference made had] take back had to ‘because he had to take back the claims that Hans made during the conference’ *weil erk [die Behauptungen, dass Hansk während der Konferenz geschlafen hatte] zurücknehmen musste because hek [the claims that Hansk during the conference slept had] take back had to ‘because he had to take back the claims that Hans was asleep during the conference’ wh-movement: (37) [welche der Behauptungen Hansk während der Konferenz gemacht hatte] musste erk zurücknehmen [which of the claims Hansk during the conference made has] had to hek take back ‘which of the claims Hans made during the conference did he have to take back *[wie viele der Behauptungen, dass Hansk während der Konferenz geschlafen hatte] musste erk zurücknehmen [how many of the claims that Hansk during the conference slept had] had to hek take back ‘how many of the claims that Hans was asleep during the conference did he have to take back scrambling: (38) weil [manche der Behauptungen, die Hansk während der Konferenz gemacht hatte] erk zurücknehmen musste because [some of the claims Hansk during the conference made has] hek to take back had *weil [manche die Behauptungen, dass Hansk während der Konferenz geschlafen hatte] erk zurücknehmen musste because [some of the claims that Hansk during the conference slept had] hek to take back had Webelhuth’s A diagnostics Anaphor binding: (39) *Er He hat has den Gästen einander vorgestellt the guests-IO each other-DO introduced 10 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. No anaphor binding possible in the IO>DO order (which he assumes to be the base order).2 The DO can bind the IO when the DO scrambles across the IO: (40) Er He hat has die Gäste einander vorgestellt the guests-DO each other-IO vorgestellt Same with variable binding (WCO): (41) a. b. *weil because weil because seinek Eltern his parents-SU jeden Schülerk every student jeden Schülerk every student-OB seinek Eltern his parents besuchten visited besuchten visited Based on “Webelhuth’s Paradox” sentences he argues that scrambling targets a third type of position with mixed A/A’ properties: (21) (22) ?Peter hat jeden Gasti [ohne e anzuschauen] seinemi Nachbar t vorgestellt Peter has every guest-Acc without to look at his neighbor introduced 'Peter introduced every guest to his neighbor without looking at him.' ?Peter hat die Gästei [ohne e anzuschauen] einanderi t vorgestellt Peter has every guest-Acc without to look at his neighbor introduced 'Peter introduced every guest to his neighbor without looking at him.' Webelhuth’s analysis Webelhuth proposes that scrambling is uniformly an adjunction operation. A phrase in an adjoined position can be an A binder as well as an A’binder. Webelhuth’s typology of positions: (23) 2 a. Spec,CP position *A binding A’ (operator) position A’ binding only b. Spec, IP position *A’ binding A (argument) position A binding only c. Adjoined position non-A / non-A’ position A/A’ binding A very puzzling fact….. 11 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. Mahajan’s re-analysis of Webelhuth’s paradox cases: (21’) ?Peter hat jeden Gasti [ohne e anzuschauen] t’’ seinemi Nachbar t’ vorgestellt Peter has every guest-Acc without to look at his neighbor introduced 'Peter introduced every guest to his neighbor without looking at him.' (22’) ?Peter hat die Gästei [ohne e anzuschauen] t’’ einanderi t’ vorgestellt Peter has every guest-Acc without to look at his neighbor introduced 'Peter introduced every guest to his neighbor without looking at him.' (an A movement step leading to variable binding and reciprocal binding followed by an A’ movement step licensing the parasitic gap). He furthermore presents evidence that scrambling in German cannot simultaneously bind and reconstruct. 3.3. Saito (1992): both Mahajan and Webelhuth are right -Short distance scrambling in Japanese: A properties -Long distance scrambling in Japanese: A’ properties However, it does not establish a significant operator-variable relationship. It can be undone. Undoing properties of scrambling. Scrambling can be undone in LF: (a) Evidence from scrambled wh-phrases (24) a. Nani-o1 John-ga [Mary-ga t1 katta ka] sitteiru. what-ACC John-NOM Mary-NOM bought Q knows ‘John knows what Mary bought.’ b. [Mary-ga nani-o katta to]1 John-ga [Bill-ga t1 itta ka] sitteiru. Mary-NOM what-ACC bought that John-NOM Bill-NOM said Q knows ‘John knows what Bill said that Mary bought.’ In (24a) the embedded object wh-phrase is scrambled to the matrix clause, but it must take embedded scope, since the matrix clause is not specified as interrogative. (Japanese interrogative clauses are marked by the question markers ka and no.) (26b) involves scrambling of the most embedded CP containing a wh-phrase to the matrix clause, and the wh-phrase again must take scope in the intermediate CP, unlike wh-movement and topicalization. (25) *[That picture of who1]2, I know who3 t3 bought t2. 12 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. (25) is ungrammatical, showing that who cannot take embedded scope once the phrase containing it topicalizes out of the embedded clause. On the basis these facts, Saito (1989) concludes that unlike wh-movement and topicalization, scrambling has no semantic import; that is, it does not establish an operator-variable relation and hence can be undone in LF, so that the wh-phrases are within their scope at LF in (24). (b) Evidence from scrambled QPs Scrambled QPs cannot take scope over the matrix QP subject (see Saito 1992 and Tada 1993): (26) Daremo1-ni dareka-ga [Mary-ga t1 atta to] omotteiru. everyone-DAT someone-NOM Mary-NOM met that thinks =for some x, x a person, x thinks that for every y, y a person, Mary met y ≠ for every y, y a person, there is some x, x a person, such that x thinks that Mary met y The sentence-initial QP daremo-ni ‘everyone’ necessarily lowers to the embedded VPcomplement position in LF and hence is not able to take scope over the matrix subject QP. A lowering approach and arguments against it Bošković & Takahashi (1998): an LF lowering approach to scrambling to account for the undoing property. (also accounts for absence of long distance scrambling of adjuncts and for the lack of freezing effects with scrambling, i.e. the fact that scrambled XPs are not islands to extraction). However, 1) As noted by Nishigauchi (2002) and Miyagawa (2005), Saito’s (1989) undoing analysis makes the wrong prediction in Condition C environments: (27) [Johni-ni-tuite-no dono hon]-oj karei-ga [Hanako-ga tj ki-ni-itteiru ka] [Johni-about-GEN which article]-ACCj hei-NOM [Hanako-NOM tj like Q] sitte-iru. knows ‘He knows which article about John, Hanako likes.’ Under the undoing analysis, this entire wh-phrase must obligatorily reconstruct. But that would incorrectly predict a Condition C violation, because John in the wh-phrase would end up being c-commanded by the pronoun kare ‘he’ in the matrix subject position. The fact that there is no Condition C violation is evidence that the wh-phrase does not get put back. 13 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY]. 2) Moreover, scrambling displays the Lebeaux argument-adjunct asymmetries: (28) a. ??/?*[Minna-no Johni-no hihan-o]j karei-ga [Hanako-ga tj [everyone-GEN Johni-GEN criticism-ACC]j hei-NOM [Hanako-NOM tj osiete-kureta to] itta. told.him COMP] said ‘[Everyone’s criticism of John], he said that Hanako told him.’ b. [[Minna-ga Johni-kara kakusite-ita] hihan-o]j karei-ga [[everyone-NOM Johni-from was.hiding] criticism-ACC]j hei-NOM [Hanako-ga tj osiete-kureta to] itta. [Hanako-NOM tj told.him COMP] said ‘The criticism that everyone was hiding from John, he said that Hanako told him.’ 3) Finally, an LD-scrambled QP may have wide scope if the embedded clause contains a quantifier which the scrambled QP may take scope over, a fact suggesting that wide scope is licensed if every step in the movement has an effect on the outcome. 14 Cite as: Elena Anagnostopoulou and Danny Fox, course materials for 24.952 Advanced Syntax, Spring 2007. MIT OpenCourseWare (http://ocw.mit.edu/), Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Downloaded on [DD Month YYYY].