Gender, Sex, and Sexuality - Socialization

Gender, Sex, and Sexuality SOCI 1306 Socialization Early on, kids pick up on the idea that males and girls are expected to perform differently. According to cross-cultural research, children understand gender roles by the time they are two or three years old. By the age of four or five, most kids have already solidified their gender roles according to societal norms (Kane 1996). Through the process of socialisation, which teaches people how to behave in a certain manner in accordance with societal values, beliefs, and attitudes, children pick up these roles. For instance, riding a motorbike is typically associated with men since it is seen as a manly pastime in society. These kinds of attitudes are usually predicated on stereotypes, which are simplistic ideas about people who belong to a group. Oversimplification of a woman's or man's views, characteristics, or behavioural patterns is known as gender stereotyping. Women, for instance, can be perceived as being too frail or shy to operate a motorbike. Sexism is rooted on gender stereotypes. Prejudiced ideas that favour one sex over another are called sexism. The degree of severity varies. It is possible that young girls in regions where women are severely devalued do not have the same access to healthcare, education, and nourishment as males. Moreover, girls will be raised with the belief that they should get treatment that differs from that of boys (UNICEF 2011; Thorne 1993). Even though it's against the law to discriminate against women in the US, mistreatment of women persists throughout society. It should be mentioned that there are two degrees of sex-based discrimination: macro and micro. A prevalent area of study for sociologists is institutional discrimination, which is defined as prejudice ingrained in the social structure (Pincus 2008). Peer groups, education, the media, and family are the four main socialisation factors that contribute to gender socialisation. By establishing and upholding normative expectations for gender-specific behaviour, each actor contributes to the reinforcement of gender roles. Secondary factors like the job and religion can also expose people. Men and women who are repeatedly exposed to these agents over time may come to believe that their behaviour is natural rather than that it is predetermined by society. The initial socialisation agent is family. There is ample evidence that parents socialise females and sons in various ways. In general, females are allowed greater freedom to deviate from the expectations of their gender (Coltrane and Adams 2004; Kimmel 2000; Raffaelli and Ontai 2004). Sons are usually granted more advantages as a result of differential socialisation. For example, guys are granted greater freedom and independence than girls at a younger age. Less limitations on suitable attire, dating customs, and curfews could be placed on them. Sons are also frequently exempt from doing family chores that are viewed as feminine, including cooking and cleaning. Daughters are constrained by the assumption that they will take on a lot of household duties, be submissive and caring, and generally obey. There may be underlying signs of discrimination even when parents make gender equality a priority. For instance, ladies could be required to fold clothes or do chores that call for care and neatness, while boys might be requested to take out the trash or carry out other jobs that call for strength or toughness. It has been observed that dads hold themselves to higher standards of gender conformity than do mothers, and that they hold boys to higher standards than do girls (Kimmel 2000). This holds true for a variety of activities, such as toy preferences, play methods, discipline, household tasks, and accomplishments on a personal level. Consequently, boys are more likely to be sensitive to their father's criticism when participating in activities that are associated with femininity, such as singing or dancing (Coltraine and Adams 2008). In terms of socioeconomic class, colour, and ethnicity, normative expectations and parental socialisation also differ. For example, compared to Caucasians, African American households are more likely to set an egalitarian role structure for their kids (Staples and Boulin Johnson 2004). Once a youngster is old enough to attend school, gender norms and stereotypes are still reinforced. Schools were rather overt in their attempts to categorise males and girls until relatively recently. Segregation was the first step towards stratification. Boys were urged to choose maths and scientific classes, while girls were encouraged to study home economics or humanities. Research indicates that gender socialisation may still take place in schools today, but in less overt ways (Lips 2004). It's possible that teachers are reproducing gendered behaviour patterns without even realising it. However, instructors may be implying that boys and girls should be treated differently if they urge pupils to arrange their seats or queue according to gender (Thorne 1993). Schools gently teach girls that they are less valuable or smarter than boys, even at kindergarten-level instruction. For instance, statistics from a research comparing professors' comments to male and female students showed that teachers gave considerably more praise to male students than to female students. Boys were given more opportunity to elaborate on their thoughts by teachers, but girls were interrupted more frequently (Sadker and Sadker 1994). Furthermore, instructors have historically treated boys and girls differently in social and academic contexts, which has reinforced a sense of competition rather than partnership (Thorne 1993). In addition, boys are expected to follow rules more closely and play the part of the obedient, while females are allowed more latitude to disobey the rules or engage in little acts of deviance (Ready 2001). The process of forming a distinct sense of self begins with imitating the behaviours of important persons (Mead 1934). Children develop into actors that actively support and enforce conventional gender norms on individuals in their immediate vicinity, just like adults do. Children who defy the gender norm may suffer from unfavourable consequences including bullying or marginalisation from their classmates. Even though a lot of these penalties are not official, they may nevertheless be very harsh. A girl who wants to take karate instead of dancing lessons, for instance, might be labelled a "tomboy" and find it difficult to fit in with both her male and female social groups (Ready 2001). When it comes to gender nonconformity, boys in particular are heavily teased (Coltrane and Adams 2004; Kimmel 2000). Another important tool for gender socialisation is the mass media. Women are typically presented as spouses or moms and have smaller roles in television and film. One of two extremes frequently occurs when women are assigned main roles: either a virtuous, saintly character or a malicious, hypersexual figure (Etaugh and Bridges 2003). Children's films are rife with the same kind of inequity (Smith 2008). Studies show that nine out of ten characters in the top ten G-rated films released between 1991 and 2013 were men (Smith 2008). Inequality and gender-based prejudices are also perpetuated by television ads and other sorts of advertising. Ads for items connected to cooking, cleaning, or childcare nearly always feature women (Davis 1993). When was the last time you saw a male in a laundry detergent or dishwasher commercial? Women are generally underrepresented in positions requiring intelligence, leadership, or psychological equilibrium. The dehumanising portrayal of women, particularly in music videos, is especially concerning. However, themes that combine sexuality and violence are frequently seen in popular advertising (Kilbourne 2000).