Causes of Student Discontent in 1968 France

May 1968 saw some of the largest protests in contemporary French history witnessing a month of demonstrations, university buildings being taken over and economic standstill resulting in a snap legislative election. An article published in The Guardian on May 13th highlighted a number of reasons why these protests had broken out such as a lack of lecturers, the expansion of student numbers, authoritarian regulations and the loss of freedom suggesting that “France [had] only herself to blame…” for the unrest. This essay will analyze three of the reasons: gender segregation in university accommodation, the desire for political reform and flaws within the education system, and determine which of these was of most significance in terms of causing discontent in university students in France 1968.

One reason for student discontent was the segregation of men and women in accommodation. The 1960’s was a period of cultural and sexual revolution inspired by social movement in the US as well as the passing of the Neuwirth Law in December 1967 lifting the ban on contraception. At the university of Nanterre, male and female students were unable to mix within dormitories which groups such as the Union Nationale des Etudiants de France (UNEF) said “epitomized the paternalism of the Gaullist society” (Reader, 1993). This led to the start of protests where male students would camp in female dorms. In January 1968 Minister for Youth and Health, François Missoffe, attended the opening ceremony of the Nanterre campus swimming pool at which he was confronted by sociology student Daniel Cohn-Bendit who asked why Missoffe had avoided the topic of sexual frustration in his newly published book. Missoffe suggested that Cohn-Bendit should take a swim in the new pool to which Cohn-Bendit replied “That’s the kind of answer you would get under a fascist regime” (Ibid.) and is said to be where unrest began. It may be argued that protests were not just students demanding “the abolition of the separation of the sexes in student residences” (Wasserstein, 2017), but more so a sign that the old conservative, patriarchal views on women and sex were causing discontent as well. Literature such as ‘The Second Sex’ (1949) by Simone de Beauvoir, which looked at the disadvantaged position women had been placed at throughout history, would have been a major source of inspiration for women of the time and led to demand for increasing level of enfranchisement as well as equal pay and opportunities within the workplace. However, in the 1960’s gender concerns were fairly low on the agenda with prominent women’s liberation movements only coming into light in the 1970’s. An example of this would be the ‘Mouvement de Libération des Femmes’ which advocated for bodily autonomy, the collectivization of social services provided free by housewives” and equality in jobs (Beauvoir, 1972). Furthermore, these protests led to men over the age of 21 being allowed to have female visitors in their rooms and so the aims of many protesters had been met. It was said that the concept of sex was “only associated with the events of 1968…not because sexuality had become political but because politics has suddenly seemed sexy” (Bourg, 2007). Although the change to university policy appeased a large number of those who had started the protests, many continued to demonstrate which indicates that misogyny and sexism in France were issues that people wanted dealt with quickly and efficiently. Therefore, while it may not have been the most important reason for discontent in university student it was indeed a catalyst for the continued protests for women’s rights which continued into the 21st century.

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A second reason for discontent in university students was the desire for political reform. The Fourth Republic began to deteriorate at the end of the 1950’s but former soldier of the French Army, Charles de Gaulle helped amend the constitution which formed the Fifth republic leading to his election in January 1959. In 1968, free press and elections still existed but de Gaulle had begun to control a number of media outlets such as the radio station ‘Europe 1’ and the French National Public Broadcasting Service (ORTF) meaning his government could influence the news which was broadcast to French citizens. Around this time France had also attempted to block the UK entering the Common Market and had withdrawn from NATO. France was now a very conservative state being governed by an authoritarian leader which many people were unhappy with. However, it wasn’t just the students who were dissatisfied; on the night of May 10th 1968 some 40,000 people including workers and members of trade unions such as CGT, CFDT and the FEN had joined students in the Latin Quarter. The use of brute force and violence by French police on the ‘Night of the Barricades’ did not tame the crowds but merely cause more upheaval (Wolin, 2017). By May 13th the number of people protesting had increased to between 750,000 and one million. The protests made it clear that citizens saw the political system as outdated and restrictive therefore it could be argued that the influx of workers and unionists joining the student-led movement solidified the idea that these protests were stance against the current political system regardless of their origins. On May 29th de Gaulle visited leader of the French Army, General Jacques Massu in order to seek support in case protests continued to grow showing that de Gaulle was perhaps scared of a revolution. The next day, de Gaulle dissolved the National Assembly and called for an election to be held on June 30th which would put the power into the people’s hands. If they were content with de Gaulle’s leadership, they would re-elect him; if not they would elect a new leader. Many young students (as well as other activists and working-class citizens) believed the authoritarian regime was ineffective yet many saw de Gaulle as an integral figure who improved the French economic situation. The vote in June saw the re-election of de Gaulle and the UDR indicating that the vast majority of voters didn’t see the need for socio-political reform and were content with the system (Pickles, 1968). The attempt of the leftist students to seek change in conservative France was admirable, yet some may argue that their vision of the French left being in power was entirely based on the success of the communist leaders they idolized such as Che Guevara and Mao Zedong. Although the UDR had won, the defeat of the left should not be used to discredit their efforts in seeking reform which would not only have benefited them, but workers and trade-unionists as well and therefore the failure to take advantage of the opportunity to elect a new leader means the desire for political reform was not the most important reason for discontent in May 1968.

Finally, the flaws within the education system were another reason for increasing discontent in students. Between 1946 and 1968 the French population rose from 40.5 million to 49.7 million with the student population almost trebling (Wolin, 2017). The increasing number of students was not matched with an increase in budget nor resources which saw classes become overcrowded, lecturers scarcely available and worsening conditions. The University of Nanterre was built in 1963 as a solution to overcrowding in the Sorbonne. The campus was in the Parisian suburbs where transport links were unreliable making it difficult for students to get to school. Political meetings were forbidden, facilities were inadequate and there was little autonomy for students. It was said that “Nanterre had become the symbol of all that was wrong with the French educational system” (Bourg, 2007). On May 2nd 1968 a group of anti-imperialist protesters took over the Nanterre campus only to be shut down immediately. Demonstrations moved to the Sorbonne where riot police made a number of arrests, leading to them receiving violent backlash. Clearly students were unhappy with their quality of the education and so began to protest for reform, wanting de Gaulle to increase spending as well as increasing the levels of administrative autonomy universities had. A survey showed that found that students had “anxiety about the probability of finding a job related to one’s studies” which may justify why so many were unhappy with the system. However, the unemployment rate stayed below 1.7% between 1960 and 1966 (Malinvaud, 1986) and on November 7th 1968, the National Assembly announced the introduction of the ‘Orientation Act of Higher Education’ which aimed to modernize the university system by granting an increased level of administrative, scholarly, and financial autonomy as well as the introduction of student governing bodies in order to tackle the problems that students highlighted. Yet after the implementation of the act, only 44% of students voted on who they wanted to represent them (Greenberg, 1969) suggesting that the lack of autonomy only bothered a small number of student and that there was a bigger issue at hand. The French government also increased the number of universities from 22 to 65 with around 13 of these campuses being located in the capital, ultimately helping to ease overcrowding which many students saw as a major problem. Although some progress was made in terms of improving the quality of education and increasing the level of self-sufficiency (Fomerand, 1975), the difficulties in finding a job after graduating was still a worry. Students were right to be concerned about the lack of prospects available as the unemployment rate increased to 2.7% by 1972 (which can be accounted for by the increasing number of women working in the labor force). The amount of time spent focusing on improving university standards meant French secondary schools were overlooked leading to falling standards and more protests. Therefore, it could be argued that the flaws within the French education system were a major cause of discontent in university students in May 1968, as their lack of prospects, uninspiring lecturers and overcrowded classrooms would not only affect them while in full-time education but would affect the rest of their working lives, explaining why they decided to demand an improved system.

When assessing the importance of each of the three reasons highlighted, the flaws within the education system seems to be of the highest significance. The dissatisfaction with facilities as well as worries of being unable to find a job after graduation not only heightened the feeling of discontent but pushed students to the point where they felt the need to take direct action. The failing standards in universities would not only affect them but also future generations of academics. If students had not taken to the streets to protest, standards would have stayed exactly as they were which would certainly have taken a toll on the next generation of students and their ability to find a rewarding career linked to their degree. The desire for political reform was important to a certain extent as it did lead to the eventual resignation of Charles de Gaulle however it did not come immediately after the protests. There was no real yearn for a political reform – particularly not in the older generations. Although many people protested, their quick return to work after his re-election suggests it was of limited importance and was not something they felt strongly enough about, therefore the failure to use the opportunity to elect a new leader shows that the desire for political reform was not the most important reason for discontent in university students. Finally, the segregation of men and women in university dorms and their sexual frustrations was of least significance. After universities changed their policies to allow men over 21 to have female students in their dorms, many of those who had protested against gender segregation were happy. However, the fact that many continued to protest against the patriarchy and for the further enfranchisement of women suggests that gender segregation was more so a catalyst for equal rights rather than a main reason for discontent and therefore less significant than failing standards of education and the desire for an overhaul of the political system.

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