The Nobility and the City of Rome

THE NOBILITY AND THE CITY OF ROME the The opening of offices and priesthoods to plebeians that occurred during in elite governing new of a fourth and third centuries resulted in the formation “nobles” the as known Rome with a distinctive way of life. This elite, collectively or nobiles, would govern Rome and its empire throughout the period of expansion rel in the third, second, and first centuries. Archaic Rome had been governed by atively few individuals from a small group of families. However, the city’s new leadership, also a group of limited size, would differ from the old in significant certain ways. The patriciate was always an aristocracy of birth. Membership in associated the and city the in place families itself sufficed to grant patricians their privileges. In addition, especially prominent leaders of the Archaic period pos sessed personal military followings that gave them a political importance regard less of whether or not they held any formal political office. Although some patri cian families would achieve prominent places in the new elite, too, this elite was not an aristocracy of birth, nor did its leading members possess significant mili tary forces of their own. Instead, individuals and families had to establish and maintain their place in the city. Officeholding was central. The new nobility rested on its members’ ability to win offices and gain priesthoods. In this context, it was above all the magistracies that a man held which defined him as well as his family. Indeed, the Latin word nobilis, in its most restricted sense, designates an individual with an ancestor who had been chosen consul. By its very nature, this new order was highly competi tive. More contestants, patricians as well as plebeians, now sought a limited num ber of positions. In Rome, as in other city-states, offices in practice were open only to the rich and, more particularly, only to those rich who maintained a respectable way of life—whose wealth, in other words, derived primarily from landholding, and not from trade or from the practice of a “sordid” profession, such as auction eer or scribe or trader. The position of the new elite families, however, was less secure than that of the patriciate of the past. In each generation, these officehold ing families had to provide new and successful seekers of offices; families that failed to do so could otherwise drop out of the governing elite. Meanwhile a few men from families that had never held office did succeed in gaining at least lower magistracies; these individuals were termed “new men” (novi homines). If their descendants maintained and improved upon this success, they could become new members of the nobility. The rise of the nobility accompanied, and reinforced, other developments in Roman public life. The emphasis on offices—especially the office of consul— would result in the gradual creation of a hierarchy of positions, each of which conferred on its holders a successively higher status. In the hierarchy’s developed form, these offices, from lowest to highest, would be quaestor, tribune of the plebs, aedile, praetor, and consul. The prohibition against holding the consulship more than once or twice became firmly established in the third century and enabled two men to hold this office each year who had never done so before. The other offices tended to be held earlier, and because there was a greater number of openings for them, more families were able to compete successfully at this level. Some families in fact filled out the lower offices for generations without ever achieving a consulship. The tribunate of the plebs now came to serve not only as an office of value in its own right, but also as a desirable early stage in the career of members of prominent plebeian families. As a result, the trihunate lost much of its radical nature-although it retained the powers for this to return later—and tribunes became part of the established order as did the Plebeian assembi o or ‘a hich thc presid€ d It was during the third and second centuries that the senate took on its leading role in the city, and these centuries in many ways marked its high point This was the period when the senate’s “influence” or aucto?itas peaked, in other ‘a ords g rc} V 56 A Brief History of the Romans when its direction of affairs won highest respect. The censors began to enroll pri marily former officeholders, who in practice would serve for life. At some point in these centuries, tribunes of the plebs gained the right to summon meetings of the senate; they also came to be enrolled in it after holding office. These two developments (which cannot be dated precisely) mark the integration of plebeian officials into the official order of the city. As a gathering of former officeholders, the senate came to be organized internally in the same hierarchical fashion as were the magistracies. Former consuls tended to lead in the senate because they had held the highest office. The senate came to be seen as a store of virtues, pres tige, and experience. In this competitive and hierarchical environment, prominent individuals could be very protective and assertive of their claims to status. Members of Rome’s elite liked to think that the pursuit of praise or fame (laus) and glory (gloria) was inte gral to their way of life. The Roman public virtues were primarily military— indeed, the primary meaning of the Latin noun virtus is “manly courage”—and they were closely linked to the holding of offices. It was above all military success that led to laus and gloria. The higher offices earned a man greater esteem or dig nitas than the lower. In the late second and first centuries, other forms of elite activity such as skill in public speaking or in the law, also came to be seen as praiseworthy, but never to the same extent as holding magistracies. Officeholders wished their term of office to stand out in some way. Leading Romans missed no opportunity to proclaim their merits and accomplishments, and often asserted their superiority over the achievements of their competitors. Failure to recognize someone’s accomplishments to the degree he expected—to be disrespectful to his dignitas, therefore—could provide a cause for lasting enmity The great pressure to assert a man’s claims changed not only public life, but also Rome’s physical appearance. The third and second centuries saw increasing elaboration of the city’s ceremonial and religious life in ways that emphasized the power and glory of the official who staged the rites. Displays of wealth, luxury, and military power were at first limited to officeholders, but other members of wealthy and powerful families would eventually mount them, too, so as to add to the collective glory of their families. Because war was the chief arena in which members of the elite could exhibit their virtue and gain fame and glory, leading citizens craved public recognition of their military accomplishments. The chief celebration of victory was the triumph, a formal procession of a victorious general and his army through the city. The tri umph was in fact an old ceremony in Rome. At first, the triumphal procession was primarily a rite intended to purify an army returning from battle or to thank the gods for a victory. In the late fourth and third centuries, however, under the influence of the elaborate ceremonies of the Greek kingdoms to the east, the Roman triumph became less a celebration by the community and the army than a glorification of the officeholder who had commanded the army. In the triumph, the victorious general or triumphator, accompanied by senators and other officials, Chapter 4: The Beginnings of a Mediterranean Empire 57 BOX 4.1: Triumph of Scipio Africanus (Appian) The triumph of Scipio Africanus at the end of the third century. Note that mocking rituals formed a part of the triumph, just as they did of the processions that marked the Roman Games (see Box 3.1). Appian, Punic Wars 66: Everyone in the procession wore crowns. Trumpeters led the advance, and wagons laden with spoils. Towers were borne along representing the captured cities, and pictures illustrating the campaigns; then gold and silver coin and bullion, and similar captured materials; then came the crowns presented to the gen eral as a reward for his bravery by cities, by allies, or by the army itself. White oxen came next, and after them elephants and the captive Carthaginian and Numidian leaders. Lictors wearing purple tunics preceded the general; also a chorus of harpists and pipers—in imitation of an Etruscan procession—wearing belts and golden crowns, and marching in regular order, keeping step with song and dance. One member of the chorus, in the middle of the procession, wearing a body-length purple cloak as well as gold bracelets and necklace, caused laughter by making various gesticulations, as though he were dancing in triumph over the enemy. Next came a number of incensebearers, and after them the general himself in a richly decorated chariot. He wore a crown of gold and precious stones, and was dressed, in traditional fashion, in a purple toga woven with golden stars. He carried a scepter of ivory and a laurel branch, which is invariably the Roman symbol of victory Riding in the same chariot with him were boys and girls, and—on the trace-horses either side of him—young men, his own relatives. Then followed the men who had served him on campaign as secre taries, aides, and armor-bearers. After these came the army itself marshalled in squadrons and cohorts, all of them crowned and carrying laurel branches, the bravest of them bearing their military prizes. The men praised some of their officers, and ridiculed or criticized others; during a triumph there are no restrictions, and every body can say whatever they like. When Scipio arrived at the Capitol the procession came to an end, and he hosted the traditional banquet for his friends in the temple. led his army through the city together with prisoners, displays of captured prop ert and tableaux and paintings depicting key episodes in his victory. The figure of the triumphator stood out clearly, because he wore the gold and purple cos tume of the old kings, he painted his face to resemble the cult statue of Jupiter Best and Greatest in the temple on the Capitoline hill, and he rode a four-horse chariot, just as did representations of the god. The triumph was the single most important ceremony that any Roman in pub lic life could hope to perform. Eventually a list of triumph-winners, the fasti tn umphales, would be put on prominent display in the city to mark their accom plishments for all time. The decision over whether or not a victory warranted a triumph was too important to be left to the commander alone. At some point, the senate asserted its control. In consequence, victorious commanders and their 58 A Brief History of the Romans armies waited outside the pomerium while the senate debated their accomplish ments. Because a triumph was so prestigious, conflicts were common. A public figure was particularly concerned to preserve the memory of his accomplishments. By their very nature, victories were ephemeral. Hence, from the last decades of the fourth century, leading Romans sought to enshrine the memory of their accomplishments in prominent monuments; the Latin word mon umenta (singular, monumentum) is actually related to the verb meaning “to remind” or “to instruct.” Often, initiatives of this type involved the official reli gion of the city which in turn was so closely connected to its political life and to its leading families. When beginning a campaign or preparing for battle, for example, Roman commanders made vows in which they promised new temples to favored deities should they prove successful. As a result, dozens of temples came to be built in prominent places. In addition to statues of the gods and altars for their worship, temples often housed statues of the victor and associated inscriptions. By the end of the third century, monuments to past leaders sur rounded the places where magistrates performed their tasks, where the senate held its meetings, and where assemblies of citizens gathered to hear debates and to vote. Advancement of a family’s claims to status came to involve remembering and celebrating the specific offices held by its members in earlier generations and their notable achievements in those capacities. Certain types of display were designed simply to encoarage family members to imitate or outclass their ancestors. Other types were more public, because the deeds of famous ancestors helped advance the claims to office made by their descendants, who supposedly had inherited their virtues. This desire to proclaim the glory of one’s ancestors led some aristo crats to stress an additional name, the cognomen, which, when added to their praenomen and nomen, announced their descent from a particular member of their gens; thus, the Cornelii Scipiones used the cognomen Scipio to identify them selves as lineal descendants of a common ancestor within the larger gens Cornelia. Portrait masks of wax, or imagines (singular, imago), offered another means of proclaiming the greatness of a family’s ancestors. Prominent Romans kept masks of those ancestors who had held high offices or performed famous deeds in the atria or reception halls of their houses, where they would be very conspicuous. Funerals provided an especially important occasion for such families to display the imagines of officeholders in their past, and to proclaim their versions of the family history. Like other public ceremonies, these funerals became more elabo rate over time. From the middle of the third century, combats between pairs of gladiators also formed part of the proceedings. The first known gladiatorial games were staged during the funeral of Decimus Junius Brutus in 264; by the end of the third century, the sons of Marcus Aemilius Lepidus would put on com bats with twenty-two pairs of gladiators.