The Great War America (1914-1919) - Neurality's Difficulty.pdf

ASU HST 200 (Historical Themes) The Great War America 1914–1919 Neurality's Difficulty President Wilson maintained his course of neutrality in Europe's developing war despite the loss of American lives aboard the Lusitania: partly due to moral principles, partly due to practical need, and partly due to political considerations. A small number of Americans desired to take part in the catastrophic conflicts that shook Europe, and Wilson was reluctant to command an unpopular military intervention lest he lose his reelection. Wilson's "neutrality" meant that the US would remain open to trade with all belligerents and maintain open markets rather than being cut off from all fighting groups. Wilson felt that the dispute was primarily a European issue involving many nations that the US wanted to continue working ties with; it did not rise to the level of a moral need for US engagement. "Every man who really loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all concerned," the president said in a 1914 letter to Congress. Wilson was aware that his reelection campaign would be challenging from the start. With just 42% of the popular vote, he had very just prevailed in the 1912 election and probably would never have been elected if Roosevelt had not returned to challenge Taft, his erstwhile protégé, as a third-party candidate. Wilson was under pressure to speak out on the war from a variety of political constituencies, but he was aware that winning elections seldom came from making a campaign pledge like "I will send your sons to war! "Wilson consented to a "preparedness campaign" in the year before the election under pressure from certain businesspeople and other government officials who believed that a stronger stance in support of the Allied troops was necessary to preserve America's best interests. The National Defense Act of 1916, which increased the strength of the army to about 225,000 soldiers, and the Naval Appropriations Act of 1916, which called for the expansion of the American fleet to include battleships, destroyers, submarines, and other ships, were passed as part of this campaign. The Republican Party sought to take advantage of Wilson's inability to fulfill commitments as the 1916 election drew near. Charles Evans Hughes, a current U.S. senator and former governor of New York, was their nominee. justice of the Supreme Court at the time of his nomination. Although Hughes centered his campaign on what he saw as Wilson's shortcomings in foreign policy, he personally attempted, depending on his audience, to balance between neutrality and belligerence. The election itself remained too close to call on election night, but Wilson and the Democrats seized on neutrality and ran on the slogan "Wilson—he kept us out of war." Wilson's attempt for reelection was only successful after a close contest in California was resolved two days later, with less than half of the popular vote. Wilson would find it challenging to maintain real neutrality even if his success was predicated on a neutral policy. Wilson was forced, however unwillingly, to acknowledge that American engagement was inevitable due to a number of distinct circumstances. Economics was a major motivating force behind US involvement. From the beginning of the war until now, the Allies as a whole have been significantly dependent on American imports, with Great Britain being the nation's most significant economic partner. In particular, during the first two years of the war, the total value of all exports to the Allies increased by four times, from $750 million to $3 billion. At the same time, German exports fell from $350 million to $30 million as a result of the British naval blockade. Similarly, a number of US private banks lent a substantial amount of money—more than $500 million—to England. Because of his family's ties to the nation, J. P. Morgan has some of the biggest financial holdings. The substantial ethnic divide between Americans of native birth and those who came to the country more recently was another important aspect that complicated the decision to go to war. The historical and current link between the country and Great Britain was important to Anglo-Saxons, but many Irish-Americans disliked British control over their birthplace and were against supporting the largest empire in history. Millions of Jewish immigrants had left Tsarist Russia to escape anti-Semitic pogroms, and they would have given their support to any country opposing that totalitarian regime. German immigrants from Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire were mixed in their sympathy for the ancient monarchs or ethnic communities that these empires oppressed, while German Americans considered their country of origin as a victim of British and Russian invasion as well as a French desire to settle old scores. This lack of sympathy among recent immigrants for the United Kingdom and its allies only served to reinforce the convictions of interventionists. Submarine warfare by Germany also contributed to the US government's challenge to its neutrality. Germany had pledged to limit its employment of submarine warfare following the loss of the Lusitania and the sinking of the Arabic, a second British liner, on August 30. They specifically pledged to allow civilians to escape targeted ships and to surface and visually identify any ship before firing. Instead, in an attempt to finish the war before Great Britain's naval blockade deprived them of food and supplies, Germany increased the employment of submarines in February 1917. The goal of the German high command was to destroy the British economy and achieve a swift and conclusive victory by continuing unrestrained warfare against all Atlantic trade, even unarmed American freighters. Their objective was to conclude the conflict before American intervention might tilt the scales in this exhausting battle of attrition. A German U-boat promptly sank four additional American ships in late March 1917 after sinking the American cargo ship Laconia in February 1917, killing two of the passengers. Wilson was under increasing pressure to declare war as a result of these attacks from the public, government representatives, and Republicans as well as Democrats. The telegraph known as the Zimmermann telegraph was the last factor that precipitated American entry into World War I. A top-secret telegraph from German Foreign Minister Arthur Zimmermann to the German ambassador in Mexico was intercepted and deciphered by British intelligence. The letter instructed the envoy to encourage Mexico to join the German war effort in the event that the United States declared war on Germany. It continued by urging Mexico to attack the US if such a proclamation were to be made, as Mexico's invasion would provide Germany a clear route to victory and create a distraction. Arizona, New Mexico, and Texas—land that the United States had already lost in the Mexican-American War—were given by Zimmermann to Mexico in return ( 23.6). At best, there was little chance that Mexico, weakening and split by its own revolution and civil war, could turn the tables on the United States and retake land lost during the Mexican-American War with Germany's assistance. However, when paired with Germany's unrestricted use of submarine warfare and the American ships' sinking, the Zimmermann telegraph provided compelling evidence in favor of a war declaration. The Russian Revolution began in February, and Tsar Nicholas II abdicated in March, removing a major moral barrier to the Allies' entry into the war and increasing the likelihood of democracy throughout the Eurasian empire. Wilson requested that Congress declare war on Germany on April 2, 1917. During the four days of deliberations in Congress, a number of senators and congressmen voiced their worries that the war was being waged more for U.S. economic interests than for strategic necessity or democratic principles. Representative Jeannette Rankin, the first woman elected to Congress, was among the fifty-six members of Congress who voted against the resolution on April 6. In American history, this was the biggest "no" vote against a war resolution. Despite the American casualties onboard the Lusitania, President Wilson remained neutral in the unfolding European war, in part because of moral convictions, in part because of pragmatic need, and in part because of political reasons. Few Americans wanted to fight in the devastating wars that rocked Europe, and Wilson was hesitant to order an unpopular military intervention for fear of losing his reelection. Wilson's "neutrality" meant that rather than isolating the US from all fighting factions, it would continue to allow commerce with all belligerents and preserve free markets. Wilson said that the conflict did not justify US involvement on a moral basis as it was mostly a European problem involving several countries with whom the US wished to maintain diplomatic relations. In a 1914 letter to Congress, the president declared, "Every man who really loves America will act and speak in the true spirit of neutrality, which is the spirit of impartiality and fairness and friendliness to all concerned." Wilson knew right once that his reelection campaign would not be easy. He had barely won the 1912 election with 42% of the popular vote, and he most likely would not have won at all if Roosevelt hadn't come back to run as a third-party candidate against Taft, his former protégé. Wilson knew that saying "I will send your sons to war" was not a surefire way to win elections, even while he was under pressure from a range of political quarters to voice opposition to the war.Under pressure from several entrepreneurs and other government officials who felt that a stronger position in favor of the Allied soldiers was required to safeguard America's best interests, Wilson agreed to a "preparedness campaign" in the year preceding the election. As part of this campaign, the National Defense Act of 1916 was approved, increasing the army's size to nearly 225,000 men, while the Naval Appropriations Act of 1916 called for the addition of battleships, destroyers, submarines, and other ships to the American fleet. As the 1916 election approached, the Republican Party tried to capitalize on Wilson's failure to keep his word. At the time of his nomination, Charles Evans Hughes, a former governor of New York and current U.S. senator, was their choice for a justice of the Supreme Court. While Hughes focused his campaign on what he perceived to be Wilson's foreign policy failings, he personally tried to strike a balance between neutrality and aggression, depending on who he was speaking to. On election night, the race was still too close to call, but Wilson and the Democrats capitalized on the status quo and campaigned on the platform, "Wilson—he kept us out of war." Only two days after a tight battle in California was decided with less than half of the popular vote did Wilson's effort at reelection succeed. Even if Wilson's success was based on a neutral policy, he would struggle to preserve actual neutrality. Wilson was compelled, however reluctantly, to concede that American involvement was unavoidable because of many unique factors. One of the main driving forces behind US engagement was economics. All of the Allies have been heavily reliant on American imports since the start of the war, with Great Britain being the country's most important economic partner. Specifically, in the first two years of the war, the value of all exports to the Allies rose from $750 million to $3 billion, a four-fold increase. The British naval blockade caused German exports to decrease from $350 million to $30 million at the same period. In a similar vein, many US private banks extended a sizeable loan—more than $500 million—to England. A large portion of J. P. Morgan's wealth comes from his family's national connections. Another significant factor that affected the decision to go to war was the significant ethnic gap between native-born Americans and those who immigrated to the nation more recently. Anglo-Saxons valued the nation's historical and contemporary ties to Great Britain, while many Irish-Americans disapproved of British rule over their homeland and opposed backing the greatest empire in human history. Millions of Jewish immigrants had fled anti-Semitic pogroms in Tsarist Russia, and they would have supported any nation fighting against that tyrannical government. German Americans believed their country of origin was a victim of British and Russian invasion as well as a French desire to settle old scores, while German immigrants from Austria-Hungary and the Ottoman Empire were mixed in their sympathies for the ancient monarchs or ethnic communities that these empires oppressed. The dearth of empathy among recent immigrants towards the United Kingdom and its allies further strengthened the beliefs held by proponents of intervention. Germany's use of submarine warfare added to the US government's opposition to its neutrality. After the sinking of the second British liner, the Arabic, on August 30, and the loss of the Lusitania, Germany had promised to reduce the use of submarine warfare. Specifically, they promised to let civilians out of ships that were being targeted and to surface and visually identify any ship before opening fire. Instead, Germany boosted its use of submarines in February 1917 in an effort to end the war before the British naval blockade depleted them of food and supplies. The German high command continued its unrestricted campaign against all Atlantic shipping, including unarmed American freighters, with the aim of destroying the British economy and achieving an immediate and decisive victory. Their goal was to end the war before American involvement might tip the odds in this tiresome war of attrition. The American cargo ship Laconia was sunk by a German U-boat in February 1917, killing two of the passengers. Shortly thereafter, in late March 1917, the Germans sank four more American ships. These attacks brought increased pressure on Wilson to declare war from both Democrats and Republicans in the administration as well as from the general public. The last thing that led to the United States' admission into World War I was the Zimmermann telegram. British intelligence intercepted and decrypted a top-secret telegram sent by German Foreign Minister Arthur Zimmermann to the German ambassador in Mexico. In the unlikely event that the United States waged war on Germany, the letter directed the envoy to urge Mexico to support Germany's war effort. It went on to say that if such a pronouncement were to be made, Mexico should invade the US since it would provide Germany a clear path to victory and serve as a diversion. In exchange, Zimmermann gave Mexico Texas, New Mexico, and Arizona—land that the US had previously lost in the Mexican-American War ( 23.6). Mexico's chances of turning the tables on the United States and regaining land lost during the Mexican-American War with Germany's help were slim at best, as a result of its own revolution and civil war, which had left it weaker and divided. However, the Zimmermann telegram offered strong evidence in support of a declaration of war when combined with Germany's unrestricted use of submarine warfare and the loss of American ships. February saw the start of the Russian Revolution, and in March Tsar Nicholas II abdicated, eliminating a significant moral obstacle to the Allies' involvement in the conflict and raising the prospect of democracy across the Eurasian empire. On April 2, 1917, Wilson asked Congress to declare war on Germany. Many senators and congressmen expressed concern throughout the four days of congressional discussions that the war was being fought more for U.S. economic interests than for strategic necessity or democratic values. The proposal was voted against on April 6 by 56 members of Congress, including Representative Jeannette Rankin, the first elected female member of Congress. This was the largest "no" vote ever cast in opposition to a war resolution in American history. Above all, this attack would test President Wilson's determination to stay out of what had been mostly a European war.