Local Holiday And National Holiday, At The Beginning Of The Eighteenth Century

LOCAL HOLIDAY AND NATIONAL HOLIDAY, AT THE BEGINNING OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY At the beginning of the eighteenth century, surviving in the Canary archipelago was not easy for the Canarian people, who experienced international confrontations, with the War of the Spanish Succession having just ended in 1713, the excesses of the numerous ministers sent by Madrid, among which it is worth highlighting the Judge of the Tobaccos, Don Diego de Navarro, or the Intendant Cevallos, and finally, numerous natural plagues that struck the islands especially at this time, such as persistent droughts, famines, deadly epidemics and volcanic eruptions. There was, however, occasion for amusement, and the islanders were able to express their rejoicing through feasts. Two of them are not described by the historian José Viera y Clavijo nor evoked by Pr. Alejandro Cioranescu, although they are evoked by two French contemporaries: they appear in the correspondence of Hély,1 the Consul sent by Paris in Tenerife, and in the travel accounts of the scientist Louis Feuillée who was in the archipelago in 17082 and in 1724.3 We will comment on their accounts based on excerpts reproduced as they appear in the original documents.4 But ¿ How did the administration manage to defray the extraordinary expenses inherent in these festivities, as well as so many others mentioned by historians? As we shall see, customs taxation, much commented on by French diplomats, represented a notable source of revenue that increased throughout the first half of the century, with the creation of new duties and the reform of fees. According to A. Cioranescu,5,500 residents and 1,707 inhabitants lived in Santa Cruz de Tenerife in 1707.6 Although the same author mentions the creation of a public basin in the previous year and Carlos García points out that there was no water problem in the city,7 the French Consul of the time affirms the opposite, both in terms of the consumption of individuals, and the supply of the ships anchored in the port. In particular, sailors had to row aboard sloops for about two leagues to reach the nearest ravine by sea, which means that it was approximately ten kilometers away. After they had loaded the water, they repeated the exercise, made even more painful by the weight of the liquid, to return. There was also the problem of the soldiers who were supposed to monitor the port and customs procedures with the arrivals and departures of both domestic and foreign ships, as well as protecting the area: they abandoned their post whenever water was scarce, that is, very often, a dysfunction highlighted by Hély.8 It should be noted that at that time, France and Spain were affronting England on the occasion of the War of the Spanish Succession: at any moment a pirate or enemy sailing ship could appear, as happened with the squadron of Admiral Genings that appeared on November 6, 1706, in front of the port of Santa Cruz. Louis Feuillée, who had arrived in the archipelago on May 24, 1708, also refers to the fact that the people had to move far away to supply themselves with water,9 and both Frenchmen agree that the event represented a great relief for the people who, at the time, considered it exceptional. It is also noteworthy that the construction of the complex required wooden channels arranged in the manner of an aqueduct, above the ground to avoid unevenness; They descended from the mountain for a distance of two leagues, from a newly found spring, and went through the city until they reached a basin built in the Plaza del Castillo, which quickly caused the natives to call it the Plaza de la Pila, as Carlos García points out.10 All this involved important works: although there are those who mention the low cost of construction thanks to an easy supply of the necessary wood,11 in reality, Don Agustín de Robles Lorenzana, Captain General, had to invest about ten thousand escudos, according to Hély, who adds that no one had dared to cover such high expenses before. The French commentators on the event attended the inauguration. It took place in the spring of 1708, exactly on May 27, the day of Corpus Christi, and it was then that the water began to flow, that is, two years after the moment mentioned by Carlos García. To celebrate the event, a public festival was organized that was characterized by a religious celebration and amusements related in detail by L. Feuillée:12 first the festivities began with a procession to the fountain that was blessed by the clergy. A Te Deum concluded the ceremony in order to give thanks to God. Then three cannon shots and musket volleys rang out, both from the Castle and aboard the Spanish ships and the six French sailing ships anchored in the harbor. Soon after, people attended a Mass in the parish church during which a religious gave a speech on providence. After lunch, contests were organized with prizes, based on demonstrations of physical strength and dexterity. The games were varied, one of them consisting of throwing, as far as possible, metal bars. The author comments on this, stressing that it was a very ancient exercise, still practiced by oriental peoples. Note that, in the past, it was practiced by athletes to harden their bodies and develop muscles, reminiscent of the aborigines who trained intensely by throwing stones and heavy sticks to demonstrate their strength and dexterity; They did so on the occasion of the encounters organized in order to measure themselves against their compatriots, or to resist against the invaders, using the projectiles as offensive weapons. Another of these games, medieval in this case, was based on fiery horse races during which two riders holding hands had to cross the Plaza at a full gallop, turn around and return to the starting point, without letting go.13 To sum up, it was a local event in which only the Canarian elite participated. since the only ones who participated in the games were the noble islanders. Another event, very different, is related to the celebration of the coronation of Louis I, the son of Philip V who had just renounced his throne. It should be noted that Viera y Clavijo refers to the event very briefly, although he gives numerous details about the festivities of the oath of the new heir, which took place a few months after the death of the short-lived King. The historian writes the following: Philip V renounces the crown; 14 Louis I was solemnly proclaimed on June 24 (1724); He died and his funeral was celebrated on November 16 of that year... The titles of Castile of Tenerife pay the due oath and homage of fidelity to the new Prince of Asturias, Don Fernando (1725). The Marquis of Valhermoso had been ordained to do this, and the performance was performed with great pomp in the church of San Francisco de La Laguna on the 14th, 15th and 16th of September. And the Canarian historian goes on to list all the street attractions arranged by the Commander General sent by Madrid to govern the insular territory of the Crown from February 21, 1723. His lapidary style is also opposed to the lyricism he expresses about the festivities organized in 1707, when the infant was born and was going to die so soon after ascending the throne: ... There will be eternally memorable the singular rejoicings that all the neighborhoods made as if in competition. Sacred and profane functions, bulls, ducks, rings, public comedies, fires, illuminations, masks, gifts to the people. The town of La Orotava and the city of La Laguna stood out in these political cults. It can be said that they were the last Olympic Games in our history, and that since this time the rejoicings that are usually made in the Canary Islands have lost their taste for heroism and antiquity.15 In reality, the celebration of the coronation lasted from June 22 to 25, 1724. Because it was a national and distant event – since it was logically going to condition the future of the immense empire – but distant, if taking into account the peripheral situation of the Canary province, the local authorities organized very theatrical and ostentatious shows in La Laguna. In fact, Louis Feuillée, who had just arrived back in the archipelago16 and who saw how his plans were hindered by the animation of the streets and the crowds that strolled, preventing him from unloading the fragile scientific instruments that he wanted to take from the ship to take them with great care to Etienne Porlier's house,17 witnessed the celebration and transcribed it in the account of his voyage.18 He evokes the illuminations in the capital of Tenerife with the bonfires that, for three days in a row, private individuals had to light at dusk in front of their door, and the magnificent fire castle of the Plaza. He notes that "the city seemed to burn everywhere from nine o'clock in the evening." He then describes the royal passage which consisted of a chariot drawn by four oxen, crudely and conspicuously painted in his opinion, but protected by a magnificent canopy, at the bottom of which, the effigy of the new King, with a crown on his head and holding a sceptre, was seated on a throne. He was surrounded by his court, and at the front, musicians played instruments. The carriages of the Canarian nobility preceded the procession, behind the soldiers, whose number was very important. Behind the entourage, the crowd walked, showing their joy by shouting and cheering.19 On Sunday the 25th, the coronation ceremony was performed in a religious building in La Laguna, undoubtedly the Church of La Remedios, where almost all the great political events of the time were celebrated, from 1555 onwards, 20 such as coronations, weddings, births and royal funerals. victories, thanksgivings, etc.; however, Louis Feuillée, who apparently was unaware that the bishop's see was in Gran Canaria, uses the unexpected term cathedral when referring to the Christian temple. The organisers had adorned the vault with damask and completely upholstered the walls with magnificent paintings. The "marvellous architecture" of the four altars – each covered with a silver plate – was what caught the Frenchman's attention the most. He says that the same metal covered the stone of the steps that led to them. Among the characters represented by human-sized statues, was the Pope seated on a throne protected by a canopy with many ornaments; kneeling at his feet stood the King. Cardinals assisted them, and several princes surrounded the group. This time, the crown and scepter had been placed on a small table covered with a richly carved rug. All this ended with a high and sung mass. The author adds that the Canarian subjects of the new King had not only magnificently decorated the "cathedral", but all the other churches of Tenerife, without further details.21 Thus, in this type of celebrations that took place in the capital of the Canary Islands, absent protagonists took part mainly in the form of effigies; The purpose was to give importance and solemnity to a national event, abstract and distant. On the contrary, the purpose of the 1708 election was for the Canarians to personally participate in a local event, held in a small provincial town and in order to greet something concrete: a little water that had just been spilled in the first public font of the site. At first glance, it is impossible to confuse the two events. However, both prove to have common traits. In the first place, it is worth highlighting the omnipresence of the religious, even though the subject apparently has nothing to do with the spiritual: we cannot forget that the construction destined to bring water to the city represented such an improvement in daily life that it was essential to consecrate it in order to protect it from possible curses, let's say from calamities. just like if it were a ship. As for the symbolism of the coronation, it was a matter of consecrating a political fact. Each event, because it was situated within a specific religious framework, had to be concluded by a high and sung mass that gave it more solemnity and greater publicity. It should be stressed that both events were organized at a very opportune time. As for Philip V's successor, the heir was still very young, only seventeen years old, which meant that, despite all he had been taught, he was inexperienced; Therefore, he needed even more the support of a people who were favorable to him and admired him. The ruse was to dazzle the people by the pomp and luxury that so amazed the French, so that the event would become unforgettable. As far as the matter of running water is concerned, we know that Don Agustín de Robles had just committed excesses, in particular with the dispatch of two thousand certificates of pre-eminence or privilege for himself and those who cooperated with him to govern the islands under his command. According to Viera y Clavijo, at the end of 1707 the Audiencia sent to the court "an account of its excesses, its usurpations of jurisdiction, the oppression of all the ministers of justice",22 which had provoked the discontent of the Canarian people; the initiative resulted in Madrid harshly reprimanding him in 1709. In the meantime, he had to do something to please the islanders: the fountain came very well, so much so that the French Consul did not hesitate to express his admiration for the CaptainGeneral, and forgot any reproaches he might have made: "In spite of all those who preceded him, he was the only one who dared to undertake such an undertaking".23 The aforementioned expression used by Viera y Clavijo is interesting On the occasion of the festivities for the birth of Louis I, which can be attributed to those mentioned in this work, defining them as "political cults". By means of religious performances, the invited people could join in the general rejoicing, in both cases. If we look closely at the development of the other activities, we see that the main role was always reserved for a few privileged omnipresent and representatives of spiritual or temporal power. In the amusements organized in 1708, it was the nobles who participated in the contests and won the prizes, something that L. Feuillée points out. He further underlines the fact when he mentions that the gentlemen who rode horses to show off in the races were noblemen.24 In 1724, it was the local nobility who paraded through the streets, dominating the spectacle from the top of their carriages, while the vulgar could only follow the entourage, walking behind the pace. that is, without seeing anything. In reality, and in each case, the only thing that was granted to the people was to shout and cheer. Thus, apart from the specific action reserved for the religious, it is necessary to highlight the active and prominent role played by the representative elites of power, and on the other hand, the passive and unrepresentative role of the vulgar. Presumably, these festivities caused significant expenses. How were they financed? This is where national or local taxation comes into play, and in particular customs taxation, which was analysed by the French Consuls, who immediately reported all the imbalances to their government. Thus, in July 1708, in addition to the traditional taxes, the Spanish Crown added another 15% on the import of illicit goods and products supplied by enemies, particularly the English:25 the measure caused a great uproar in the archipelago and motivated a letter of representation to the King drafted by Robles that obtained, in the same year, it was reduced to 9%. In any case, duties on goods represented a significant source of revenue that filled the coffers of the administrations. Thanks to the reports of the French diplomats who settled in Tenerife, first in La Laguna, and then in Santa Cruz, at the beginning of the eighteenth century, we can summarize the taxes on imports and exports as follows, after noting that the province collected a specific rate of 1% to support the expenses involved in the military defense of the islands: The rights were changed in 1715, after the administrative reorganization generated by the Treaty of Utrecht. By decision of the Contracting House, and in order to prevent smuggling, the rates were calculated on the basis of the weight or value of the goods, according to their type, which generated the following two tables. There were also exit rights, modified by the passage of time. The French consuls mention two key dates: 1714 and 1734. It can be seen that, in the first table below, there are no taxes corresponding to certain Canarian products: the French did not buy vinegar since they produced theirs in their land, and they were not yet engaged in the purchase of the Canarian orchilla. With these paintings, we can see that money did not stop entering the coffers of the administrations – especially for the benefit of the Crown – and that they could well withstand exceptional expenses on the occasion of festivals aimed at enlivening the island's daily life a little. But did they pay? If we refer to the unhappy period that followed, the Marquis of Valhermoso solved in a very personal and radical way the problem of the festivities of the oath of the Infante Fernando, as Viera y Clavijo puts it: And although the same commanding general had arranged the illuminations, the fireworks in three squares, the discharges of the artillery, the attendance of a regiment, &c., for all that afterwards pressed the steward of his own with arrests and seizures, to pay the amount. In this way he disposed of the interests of the island, while protesting that it was not his intention to meddle in the political and economic affairs of the cities. In fact, it was forbidden to him.27 Nor is it necessary to remember that the CaptainsGeneral who had preceded him never dared to commit at the same time all the abuses denounced on the occasion of the command of that minister, but we may wonder where all the money and the numerous paintings exhibited in the "Cathedral" of La Laguna evoked by Louis Feuillée came to be. In any case, it seems that the issue did not concern the Canarians of that time. Both festivals had the result that the organisers had intended: designed to channel the joy of a people who wanted to forget the damage caused by the War of the Spanish Succession during the first period, that is, the abuses of the ministers or high officials appointed by Madrid, a more specific feature of the second, they allowed to consolidate the power and prestige of a Crown that needed to count on the collaboration of the Canary Islands. Thanks to this type of celebrations, some of which have been forgotten or others narrated by local historians, the archipelago demonstrated its loyalty, which Hély sums up in the following words written in 1708: This spectacle was performed with all the sumptuousness and magnificence that can be imagined: proof is of the Love that these people experience for their Sovereign.28 And it continued to demonstrate it throughout the following centuries, despite sometimes quite negative experiences that could have embittered the population, as happened, for example, in Cuba.