Garrett Hardin The Tragedy of the Commons Summary

Garrett Hardin, ‘The Tragedy of the Commons’ Summary Garrett Hardin's 1968 essay "The Tragedy of the Commons" argues overpopulation is depleting the earth's resources. He warns without countermeasures, humans are doomed to misery. This echoes the writings of Thomas Robert Malthus, who observed in 1798 the population growth rate inevitably outpaces food production, leading to widespread starvation. Since then, many arguments have challenged Malthus's theory. Although some areas of the world have experienced periods of famine, Malthus's debunkers argue technology has prevented and can continue to prevent famine through advances in agricultural techniques. They point out technology has improved the quality of life across the globe, even as the population has doubled. In "The Tragedy of the Commons" Hardin counters such faith in technology. His paper opens with an image of two superpowers building more and more missiles to extend their power as well as protect their own citizens. According to Hardin, this stalemate is an example of a situation that cannot be resolved by new technology. In fact, technology helped escalate the situation to deadly proportions. No matter what technological solutions we create, Hardin argues, they are only short-term. New technology will support an increased population that will deplete the additional resources. What Shall We Maximize? Hardin argues we must assume the world's resources are finite so we can work toward a solution, and he rejects colonization of other planets as an option. He next challenges the belief the earth's resources have the capacity to support still more people. Hardin argues there is a difference between maximum and optimum population. Maximum population simply means having as many people on Earth as possible. Optimum population implies a level of quality of life. The more people there are, the fewer nutritional and natural resources there are per person. Supporting the maximum population means surrendering the possibility of pleasure, leisure, or any other activity beyond basic survival. Hardin also challenges 18th-century economist Adam Smith's 1776 treatise The Wealth of Nations. Smith posited when individuals make decisions for their own gain, their selfish acts will be guided by the mechanism of the "invisible hand," which ultimately leads people to create stable societies. Hardin says if Smith's theory is correct, people will intuitively choose to limit their number of children. If not, social controls are required. Tragedy of Freedom in a Commons Hardin fears dire consequences when a population shares a limited resource. Without limits on individual use, the resource will inevitably be depleted. Hardin illustrates this by citing an 1833 essay by economist William Forster Lloyd. Lloyd presents a fertile community pasture on which a number of herders graze their cattle. At the start each herder keeps a small number of cattle on the land. However, over time, each man realizes it would be to his benefit to graze a few more, and then many more. Before long the pasture is overrun with cattle trampling grass and competing for fodder. The tipping point has been reached. Eventually the grass is gone, the soil erodes, and the pasture becomes worthless for grazing. This is the tragedy of the commons: when there are no limits on use, members of a group take advantage of a shared resource until it is exhausted. Pollution Hardin names several modern tragedies of the commons. Maritime countries overfish the oceans until species become extinct. Music blares from car radios and intrusive billboards infringe on shared vistas. Without concern for the commons, industries pour sewage, chemicals, heat, and fumes into the air and water, leading to the degradation of the environment and the potential destruction of life. According to Hardin, these tragedies of the commons directly result from overpopulation. How to Legislate Temperance? Hardin states what a society considers moral is "system-sensitive," by which he means the context is important to understanding the society's values. He gives the example of a pioneer killing a bison and wasting most of the animal. In the context in which the pioneer lived, the action would not be considered harmful to the abundant population of bison. However, now there are far fewer bison and such an act would be unconscionable. Because our laws tend to be based on "ancient ethics," they tend not to take context into account as much as they should, which can make them "poorly suited" to modern society. Hardin describes two kinds of laws: statutory law and administrative law. Statutory laws have been passed by a legislature, while administrative laws are regulations to enforce the statutory laws. Hardin proposes administrative law, while flawed, is the better suited of the two to regulating temperance, or the restraint of an activity. Freedom to Breed Is Intolerable The activity Hardin believes needs to be restrained is human breeding. The obstacle to limiting population growth, he states, is the general belief breeding is a human right. Merging "freedom to breed with the belief that everyone born has an equal right to the commons" will lead to disaster. He criticizes the United Nations' Universal Declaration of Human Rights for affirming the rights of each family to decide how many children to have. Conscience Is Self-Eliminating Hardin next addresses the question of how to change this belief and reduce the rate of human breeding. He argues appeals to conscience or guilt are self-defeating. Humans with a social conscience who voluntarily abstain from breeding will be taken advantage of by those without such a conscience. Those without a social conscience will have more children, and over successive generations, altruism could disappear as a human trait. Pathogenic Effects of Conscience Hardin explores the idea of a "double bind," a term attributed to the anthropologist Gregory Bateson. If people are asked to stop an activity that is harmful to the commons with an "appeal to conscience," Hardin argues, they are being given two conflicting messages. The first is they will be reprimanded for not being "responsible" if they do not take the recommended action. The second is if they do what is asked, they are easily coerced "simpletons" who will be giving up access to the commons while others continue to exploit them and benefit. Hardin believes the overused tactic of making people feel guilty is not effective. It merely causes "anxiety" in those who are asked to act against their own interests. Real sanctions are preferable. Mutual Coercion Mutually Agreed Upon Hardin believes the way to change people's attitudes and behaviors is not through guilt or force but through "mutual coercion." He admits the term coercion has negative connotations but prefers it to "persuasion." Since appeals to social conscience do not work, people must be coerced by mutual agreement to limit family size. Hardin recommends instituting "not prohibition, but carefully biased options." An individual is free to choose between adhering to social agreements and facing sanctions. He uses taxes as an example of mutual coercion. Without penalties, he says, those without consciences would not voluntarily contribute to the communal good. Recognition of Necessity Hardin challenges the argument restrictions limit freedom. He argues restrictions protect us from each other's exploitation. Just as parking meters and parking tickets limit our options, they also make it more likely we can find a space for our car. As he stated earlier in the essay, "We need to reexamine our individual freedoms to see which ones are defensible." Constraints that apply to all protect us from each other's selfishness and allow us to live in groups. According to Hardin, social change is possible. He briefly traces how humans have relinquished certain liberties in the past and used coercion to avoid the tragedy of the commons. Throughout history people have found ways to protect resources, such as designating private property and legislating hunting, fishing, and farming. As cities became densely populated, coercive agreements prohibited throwing domestic waste into the streets. Once agreements are in place, Hardin states, people adapt to new norms as if they had always been present. He insists the way to "preserve and nurture other and more precious freedoms is by relinquishing the freedom to breed."