By 1918, four years into World War 1 it was becoming increasingly evident that Germany would be defeated. Adding to the impending defeat, the abdication of Kaiser Wilhelm II, the growing resentment of the signing of the Treaty of Versailles, and the establishment of the new Weimar Republic Government were all vital factors that contributed to Germany experiencing political, economic, and social instability between 1918-1923.
Germany would have been defeated in 1917 if it had not been for Russia’s surrender and the signing of the Treaty of Brest-Litovsk, which gained Germany annexed territories and 3 billion roubles in reparations (Layton, 2009, pg.85). However, after the failure of the last German offensive on the western front it became increasingly evident to General Ludendorff and Hindenburg that Germany would lose the war. When the Generals realized the extent of the crisis, they advised the Kaiser on 29th September to speak with the Allies regarding an armistice (Layton, 2009, pg. 86). Layton (2009, pg.87) also states that there were four main factors for Germany losing the war, which were the failure of the Schlieffen plan, fighting the war on two fronts, the strength of the allies, and the limitation of the German war economy.
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Ludendorff had wanted to change the German government from an authoritarian government to that of a constitutional government, believing that a democratic government would be better placed to enter peace negotiations and obtain a more favorable peace settlement. He also wanted the best peace deal for Germany. However, he was not only thinking of Germany at this point but of himself as well. Layton (2009, pg. 100) stated Ludendorff had a more “cynical ulterior motive” in the hope that if a more constitutional government was formed this would shift the blame for Germany's defeat away from the military leadership and himself. Herein lay the foundations of the “stab in the back” myth, a myth that would be used by sympathizers of the political right-wing.
Following the appointment of Prince Max of Baden in October 1918 as Germany’s new Chancellor, he brought reforms to the German government in the hope of turning Germany into a parliamentary democracy. These changes included the Kaiser relinquishing all his powers over the armed forces to the Reichstag, the Chancellor and his government being now accountable to the Reichstag instead of the Kaiser, and opening up the dialogue with the allies in terms of an armistice.
As news spread of peace negotiations with the allies spread across Germany, civil unrest broke out with workers going on strike. Not only did it create unrest amongst the civilian population, but also created discontentment amongst the armed forces, who in turn refused to obey orders in the port city of Kiel. The German admiralty wanted one last sea battle with the French and British. As Admiral Reinhard Scheer stated “it would be an honorable battle, even if it becomes a death struggle (Llewellyn et al, 2019) . However, Layton (2009, pg. 102) noted “real fear among the sailors that their officers were planning a suicide attack on the British fleet.” Kolbin suggests that the change of heart in military leaders coincided with pressure from the Reichstag.
By the start of November, it was evident that the above parliamentary reforms had failed to quell, the ever-rising tension within the German people, and the thought of a revolutionary movement prompted Prince Max on November 9th that he announced Kaiser Wilhelm II abdicated eventually fleeing to Holland. Upon his abdication, a power vacuum was created, which was to be filled by a left-wing coalition government led by SPD leader Fredrich Ebert. As Ebert reported that “the abdication of the Kaiser was absolutely necessary if the desertion of the masses into revolutionist camps and thus the revolution itself were to be avoided (Brecht, 1970, pg. 108-110).
Not only did Chancellor Ebert have to face the allies to negotiate a peace agreement but he also had to deal with trouble at home in Germany from the extreme left-wing groups who refused to accept a new democratic government, as they wished for a communist revolution similar to that which had just occurred in Russia. In January the Spartacist uprising occurred, which was led by Karl Liebkneckt and Rosa Luxemburg who had spilled from the SPD and formed the Independent Socialist Party (USPD), they took inspiration from the recent Bolshevik Revolution in Russia. They wanted to establish a communist regime and then form an alliance with Lenin’s Soviet Russia, all powers to be transferred to the Soldiers and Workers council, all coal, iron, and steel industries to be run by the state and finally, the police and the army disarmed, being replaced by workers militias (Collier & Pedley, 2000, pg. 7). After elections were held and Social democrats formed the first government, creating the constitution of the Weimar Republic establishing it as a “presidential republic” (Weiz, 2007, pg.17).
When the first congress of workers & soldiers council in Berlin was being helped Liebknecht & Luxemburg were denied access to speak at the meeting, which resulted in the Spartacists publicly demonstrating. Chancellor Ebert frightened by these demonstrations met with General Groner who promised to provide loyalty and support to the Government in return for Chancellor Ebert's promise to supply the army against the left (Collier & Pedley, 2000, pg.8). By January 1919 the Spartacists had garnered support and formed the German Communist Party (KPD) with other extreme left-wing groups. On January 5th, 1919, a revolt in Berlin began led by Liebknecht & Luxemburg, but due to the uprising being poorly organized they were defeated brutally by the Government using the Freikorps. On January 15th Liebknecht & Luxemburg were murdered by members of the Horse Guard Division. These murders proved to have huge consequences for the new Republic.
On 6th February 1919, the National Assembly met in the town of Weimar. Within a week the National Assembly had formed a coalition government made up of SPD and other left-wing/liberal parties with Ebert elected as the first president of the Weimar Republic with Phillip Scheidemann as his Chancellor. During their tenure of eighteen months, they completed two major tasks that would change not only the political scene of Germany but every aspect of German life. Firstly, was the drafting of the Weimar Constitution, and secondly was the ratification of the Treaty of Versailles. Both of which caused major tensions throughout the German population.
Hugo Preuss was a liberal lawyer that was invited by President Ebert to draft the Weimar Constitution, where he would draw influences from other democratic institutions such as the USA’s concept of checks and balances. The new constitution created the Reich, which would be made up of eighteen states (Lander). The Chancellor (who was appointed by the President) and his cabinet members needed majority support from the Reichstag, which members would be elected from the eighteen states in a four-year election cycle by all German citizens aged 20 and above using the voting system of Proportional Representation.
The decision to use Proportional Representation Voting System caused a vast amount of controversy. Whilst Proportional Representation has the advantage of ensuring everyone has political representation no matter how small the political party is, the disadvantage is that a majority government cannot be formed resulting in coalitions of three or four parties forming a government. Having to account for three or four political parties’ views, having to make compromises creates instability for example the longest office was held by Joseph Wirth lasted eighteen months. Collier & Pedley (2000, pg. 21) believe that a majority system of voting may have been more effective in guaranteeing Weimar’s stability and survival.
The President would be elected every seven years with no restrictions in place for how many times one person can hold the office of President. Having no restriction on this created a vacuum for abuse of power to turn the office of democratic president into one of a dictatorship. Article 48 of the constitution allowed the president to dissolve the Reichstag and have an absolute rule in a “national emergency”.
Article 48 in the view of the authors of the constitution was to provide a strong executive branch to create political continuity. The term “national emergency” was not defined within the constitution, therefore leaving this open to individual interpretation. For example, President Ebert used Article 48 to quash the Munich Putsch in 1923.
Before the establishment of the Weimar Republic, the SPD was considered a left-wing political party and supportive of progressive taxation, government social welfare programs, labor unions, and equality. They were less nationalistic, militaristic, and antisemitic than political parties on the right.
Whilst the Weimar Constitution was a vast improvement on an undemocratic nation, it had many flaws. Eric Weitz stated the “flaws in the constitution had less to do with the political system it established than with the fact that the German society was so fragmented. A less divided society and one with a more expansive commitment to democratic principles could have made it work”. Even Hugo Preuss who drafted the constitution pondered “whether a progressive system should be given to a people who resisted it with every sinew of its body.”
In June 1919, the Treaty of Versailles was signed and the conditions of the treaty were to be implemented, including losing 13% of its territories, six million in populations, valuable resources, war reparations totaling £60 million, “war guilt” clause, and limitations imposed on their armed forces (Weiz, 2007, pg. 19). The ramifications of the signing of the treaty had both national morale and German economic growth as it forced the German government to accept the blame for the war and placed a huge economic burden on Germany. The agreement of these conditions proved extremely unpopular with many of the elite and army. The idea of the “stab in back” myth increased the resolve of the right. It was not only threats from the left that the government had to be fearful about. The far-right also wanted to overthrow the government. They laid the blame for the acceptance of the terms of the Treaty of Versailles.
In 1919, Wolfgang Kapp and Walther von Lutlwitz marched on Berlin to overthrow the Government and install a new government in a coup named Kapp Putsch. It was unsuccessful as the government called for a strike that paralyzed the uprising. Whilst the defeat of the Kapp Putsch could be viewed as a success, Layton (2009, pg. 133), stated that the Kapp Putsch had even taken place highlighted weaknesses of the Weimar Republic and Collier & Pedley (2000, pg.26) states the Kapp Putsch worsened the division between right-wing groups and the Republic.
In October 1923 another Putsch was being planned by Hitler and his Nazi supporters. In Bavaria, which was under the control of Gustav von Kahr and the Bavarian army led by Commander von Lossow. Both of them plotted with Hitler and the Nazis to ‘march on berlin’, but by the start of November, both Kahr and the Commander had backed out of the plan. Hitler, as determined as ever, decided to carry on with the plan and on November 8th he stormed into a rally in a Munich Beer Hall and declared a ‘national revolution’. Under pressure from Hitler, Kahr and Lussow agreed to participate in the uprising. On November 9th the Nazis attempted to take Munich but due to insufficient support and the actions of the Bavarian police, their Putsch was easily quashed. The result of the failed uprising was fourteen Nazis were killed and Hitler was arrested on the charge of treason. Whilst the failed uprising was an advantage for the Weimar Government after a hard year, it was the result of the judiciary that caused concerns. Ludendorff was committed to all charges and Hitler was sentenced to five years in prison, for which he only served ten months. Even though the Putsch failed Hitler turned his defeat into triumph as it served as a propaganda coup and gave him and his comrades a national platform to voice their beliefs (Collier & Pedley, 2000, pg. 71). The treatment of Hitler and his comrades following the right-wing led Munich Putsch was in stark contrast to that of the Spartacist uprising, which saw the brutal murder of Liebkneckt and Luxemburg following their arrest by the Freikorps, highlighting that the establishment was working against the interests of the republic.
The Republic was able to resist any attempts to seize power, but at the same time, another problem was arising Hyperinflation. This was due to a mixture of poor economic decisions on the part of the government and also the financial burden of having to pay war reparations. In 1919, the Weimar Republic had inherited a national debt totaling 144,000 million marks.
Germany’s economic problems started during the war thanks to the British set up a blockade. Due to the size of the British Navy and its geographical position Great Britain was able to control most of the world's commercial shipping. The Ministry of Blockade issued a list of items that neutral commercial ships were not allowed to deliver to Germany, Austria-Hungary, and the Ottoman Empire. These items included food and weapons. Not only did the blockade last throughout the war but lasted nine months afterward to force the Germans into signing the Treaty of Versailles. The signing of the Treaty of Versailles only fed into the right-wing political parties propaganda, fuelled more by General Hindenburg evidence into the investigation of the signing of the treaty blaming the so-called ‘November Criminals’ for the ‘stab in the back’ of the armed forces in 1918 that led to their collapse.
Many Germans believed that this was the result of the Treaty of Versailles reparations but also due to the poor decisions made by the government. However, Layton (2009, pg.139) believes the fundamental cause of inflation was the government’s decision to print more money to pay off the interest on the national debt. In the midst of the economic crisis, the German asked the Allies for suspension on reparations payment, this was however denied. As a result of being unable to make the payment, the French occupied the Ruhr, which was a German region with highly valuable resources. Germany ceased all reparation payments at this stage.
With hyperinflation the cost of essential goods skyrocketed, leaving many Germans starving as they watched their savings and pensions wiped out. For example, in 1922, a loaf of bread cost 163 marks. By September 1923, during hyperinflation, the price crawled up to 1,500,000 marks and at the peak of hyperinflation, in November 1923, a loaf of bread costs 200,000,000,000 marks.
Hyperinflation was most advantageous for people like homeowners, businessmen, and loan holders who were able to pay off their debts with inflated and worthless money (Collier & Pedley, 2009, pg. 143). With starvation amongst the lower class also left to health problems with increasing prevalence in edema, stomach disorders, and scurvy, this ultimately resulted in the weakening people and leaving them to die from hunger. The repercussions of hyperinflation sparked anger and despair amongst the German people, who began to associate the Weimar Republic’s system of democracy with poverty, unemployment, and shortages.
In conclusion, from the outset, the Weimar Republic was always going to experience political, economic, and social instability as a result of a plurality of factors. The Weimar Republic inherited major problems when they formed a new government. The factors included a heavy burden of the national debt, the failure to create institutions loyal to the new regime, the creation of a new constitution that the German people possibly were not ready for, the signing of the Treaty of Versailles that fuelled right-winged political parties and left many German people blaming this signing as the cause for all their problems, pacts made by the SPD government that created further division on the left. All these factors that came together and the Republic's failure to resolve these issues ultimately led to their demise and the growing popularity of Hitler and his right-winged comrades.
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