In this essay I will present a policy directed at supporting the efforts of the Georgian government to curb high-level corruption in its government and to establish an independent investigative anti-corruption organ. This issue is one of the main hinderances for Georgian democracy and the long-term goal of accession to the European Union (EU).
Since the end of the Cold War, the since 1994 established EU, has sought closer relations with its former opponents to the Eastern borders of the Union. As a result, the European Neighborhood Policy and the Eastern Partnership Program were established by the EU, in order to support these countries in developing into open market democracies. These agreements have led to some former Soviet republics, joining the EU, while others are still in the stage of development when it comes to democratic processes and institution building.
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In the case of Georgia, much has been achieved by the different governments since the fall of the Iron Curtain. Low-level corruption, for example, has been close to eradicated through decisive action in the country. There are, however, other factors that still strongly impede on Georgia’s ability to join the Union in the foreseeable future. While the issue of having a protracted conflict in the country that includes the Russian Federation is the largest impediment to accession, another aspect that is deeply problematic is higher-level corruption.
This can be defined as a form of corruption through public officials, political parties and government bodies. Both public officials and political organizations seem to be using corruption as a form of financing themselves or their activities in Georgia. Arguably, this undermines the legitimacy and reputation of the entire government because, it goes against the values of democracy and rule of law and the underlying values such as the accountability of the state, its checks and balances and its independence, to name just a few.
The Union itself has a strong stance against such activities and it is one of the conditions laid out in the Association Agreement between the EU and Georgia for closer relations with between the two. While this type of behavior was prominent in the former government of the United National Movement (UNM) in Georgia and was used to strengthen its influence in the institutions of the state and has led to an entrenchment of such behavior in the informal structure of the state. High-level corruption seems to be the norm rather than the exception and if continued, and it will seriously impede on Georgian accession to the Union as well as their goal of being a full-fledged democracy.
At this point we have an opportunity, as there has been a relatively recent change in government, in which the umbrella organization ‘Georgian Dream’ has taken over. While this new coalition has been somewhat following in the footsteps of the UNM when it comes to using corruption for personal and political gain, but there is still positive development and the coalition has shown willingness to cooperate, which makes it arguably the best time to support the state of Georgia in developing effective tools against it.
Adding to that, NGO’s such as Transparency International, Human Rights Watch and national NGO’s such as Institute for Development of Freedom of Information (IDFI) have also demanded progress for this sector, specifically the establishment of an independent body concerned with investigating instances of corruption. As mentioned above, this goes in line with the EU’s goals for aiding their partner in its democratic development. While the Georgian state has established an organization focused on the establishment of such a body, the Anti-Corruption Interagency Coordination Council (ACC), it has not been given enough powers and to achieve effective progress in the fight against high-level corruption.
In contrast to that, we have seen former Soviet republics developing an agency with effective tools to fight high-level corruption in the case of Lithuania. Because of the similar historical and political background that both Georgia and Lithuania have seen until the fall of the Soviet Union combined with the experience of trying to overcome this Soviet heritage would arguably give Lithuanian delegates an increased standing from a Georgian perspective. Adding to that, the Georgians have already stated that such an approach would fit into their legal system.
In conclusion, it can be said that there is a lack of effective controlling when it comes to actions that constitute high-level corruption in the state of Georgia. On the other hand, there has been a relatively recent change of government which makes it a good point in time to act and the Lithuanian example can lead the way to improve both legitimacy for action in the country as well as perceived legitimacy of Union activity in the region. Furthermore, the Lithuanian approach has already been theoretically accepted as applicable by the Georgian state, which again strengthens the case for action.
Thus, this essay is focused on the empowerment of the Georgian state to develop tools in the fight against high-level corruption through collaborative activities. I anticipate that giving the Georgians the tools to fight one of their biggest issues will take no longer than 2 years, as there is already the ACC tasked with developing such an agency. However, it just hasn’t received the necessary powers it seems that it is not on the forefront of Georgian agenda setting. Through using a positive example of progress (Lithuania), I anticipate the Georgian state to be able to implement effective legislation against high-level corruption within the timeframe of 2 years starting in summer 2020 or shortly after.
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