Impact of Socio-Cultural Factors on Developmental Trajectories and Outcomes in Early Adulthood: Critical Essay

Emerging adulthood: a universal experience? The essay should review and critique the impact of sociocultural factors on developmental trajectories and outcomes in early adulthood. Reviewing the available literature, consider the degree to which one’s cultural context and social supports impact the transition to adulthood.

The question focused on within this essay is whether the transition into adulthood is a universal experience with reference to one’s cultural context and social supports impact the transition. It appears that transitioning to adulthood is a result of both Western culture and our present (Arnett, 2000). Individuals in developed nations are living longer, enabling the opportunity to take an additional decade to begin a profession and family. Changes in the workforce additionally act as a factor. For instance, 50 years prior, a young adult with a secondary school certificate could quickly enter the workforce and climb the company's pecking order. That is not true anymore. Bachelor's and even graduate Degrees are required increasingly more regularly — even for entry-level employment (Arnett, 2000). Furthermore, numerous students are taking longer (five or six years) to finish a higher education because of working and going to class in the meantime. After graduation, numerous young adults come back to the family home since they experience issues getting a new line of work. Changing social desires might be the most vital explanation behind the postponement of entering grown-up jobs. Young people are investing more energy investigating their alternatives, so they are postponing marriage and work as they change majors and employments on numerous occasions, putting them on a lot later timetable than their parents and past generations (Arnett, 2000).

Research recommends that the progress to adulthood now ordinarily takes longer than in earlier decades. More noteworthy, access to post-secondary education and a more extensive scope of chances have significantly expanded an individual's alternatives, and expectations about the steps an individual should take subsequent to completing secondary school or college are not as obvious. After secondary school, for instance, an individual may enter a specialized school or training school, a bachelor's degree, or enter the workforce. An individual may get a four-year college education and after that choose to proceed in school to get a graduate degree or even a doctorate. Before, the way a young adult took after secondary school was regularly predetermined by family and gender expectations, just as one's financial status, however, this is less frequently the case today.

Higher education can be seen as a pointer to the manners in which societal expectations for young adults have changed in recent history. Research demonstrates that in 1940, just about 14% of young adults went to school subsequent to finishing secondary school. By the mid-1990s, over 60% of young adults sought higher education after secondary school. Continuing further with education is accepted by numerous studies to have a hugely positive effect on a person's development and future decisions. (2019;https://www.cso.ie/en/census/census2016reports/powscar/) In Ireland, significance is frequently put on one's ability to acquire full-time employment, become financially responsible, maintain an independent household, and support a family. Societal expectations can abandon some young adults feeling forced to make lifelong choices before they are prepared. Thus, some young adults may confront nervousness and experience troublesome musings about their future. For instance, social standards may lead numerous young people to trust that their objective ought to be marriage and a family, yet some may discover, as they change from young adults to grown-ups, that they prefer to remain single, unmarried, or without kids.

When does a person become an adult? There are many ways to answer this question. In Ireland, you are legally considered an adult at 18 years old. But other definitions of adulthood vary widely; in sociology, for example, a person may be considered an adult when she becomes self-supporting, chooses a career, gets married, or starts a family. The ages at which we achieve these milestones vary from person to person as well as from culture to culture. For example, in the African country of Malawi, 15-year-old Njemile was married at 14 years old and had her first child at 15 years old. In her culture, she is considered an adult at the onset of menstruation. This signifies the beginning of adulthood in such cultures. Children in Malawi take on adult responsibilities such as marriage and work (e.g., carrying water, tending babies, and working fields) as early as 10 years old. In stark contrast, independence in Western cultures is taking longer and longer, effectively delaying the onset of adult life.

A longitudinal report by the National Institute of Mental Health (NIMH) found that a young adult's cerebrum isn't completely developed until around 25 years old. It was found that most critical changes after adolescence happen in the prefrontal cortex and cerebellum — the area engaged with emotional control and higher-order cognitive functioning. While the limbic system — frequently connected with emotions, motivation, and behavior — experiences significant changes amid pubescence, the prefrontal cortex continues developing for about an additional 10 years. This section of the brain influences how an individual controls motivations and grows long-haul procedures. Along these lines, it might be useful when an individual endeavor to address the inquiry, 'What am I going to do with my life?'

As we age, our bodies change in physical ways. One can anticipate that an assortment of changes should occur through the early-and center grown-up years. Every individual encounter age-related changes dependent on numerous elements: natural factors, for example, molecular and cellular changes are called primary aging, while at the same time aging that happens because of controllable variables, for example, lack of physical exercise and an inadequate diet, is called secondary aging. When we achieve early adulthood, our physical development is finished, in spite of the fact that our height and weight may increase somewhat. In early adulthood, our physical capacities are at their prime, including muscle quality, response time, sensory capacities, and cardiovascular function. Most expert athletes are at the highest point of their abilities during this stage, and numerous women will have children in these early-adulthood years.

The aging procedure, in spite of the fact that not obvious, starts amid early adulthood. Around the age of 30, numerous progressions start to happen in various pieces of the body. For instance, the lens of the eye begins to solidify and thicken, bringing about changes in vision (normally influencing the capacity to concentrate on close articles). Sensitivity to sound declines; this happens twice as fast for men with respect to women. Hair can begin to thin and begin to grey around the age of 35, despite the fact that this may happen prior to certain people and later for other people. The skin ends up drier and wrinkles begin to show up before the end of early adulthood. The immune system turns out to be less effective at fending off illness, and reproductive capacity starts to decline.

Since we spend such a large number of years in adulthood (more than any other stage), psychological changes are various during this period. Truth be told, examine recommends that grown-up subjective improvement is a complex, regularly changing procedure that might be considerably more dynamic than psychological advancement in the earliest stages and early adolescence (Fischer, Yan, and Stewart, 2003).

In contrast to our physical capacities, which peak in our mid-20s and after that start a moderate decrease, our intellectual capacities remain generally enduring all through young and middle adulthood. Research has discovered that adults who take part in intellectually and physically invigorating exercises experience a less cognitive decrease in later adult years and have a diminished occurrence of gentle psychological weakness and dementia (Hertzog, Kramer, Wilson, and Lindenberger, 2009; Larson et al., 2006; Podewils et al., 2005).

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Amid early adulthood, cognition starts to balance out, reaching a plateau around the age of 35. Early adulthood is a period of relativistic reasoning, in which young adults start to end up mindful of more than oversimplified perspectives on right versus wrong. They start to look at thoughts and ideas from various points and comprehend that an inquiry can have more than one right (or wrong) answer. The requirement for specialization results in pragmatic-minded reasoning — utilizing rationale to take care of genuine issues while accepting contradiction, imperfection, and different issues. At long last, young adults build up a kind of ability in either education or career, which further upgrades critical thinking aptitudes and the limit with regards to creativity.

Recent studies from culturally diverse research have given occasion to feel qualms about the all-inclusiveness of fundamental psychological procedures. An assortment of studies has exhibited that how individuals see their social condition relies upon their social background (Chiu, Morris, Hong, and Menon, 2000), and the manners in which people assess and regulate themselves may mirror their history of cultural learning (Lee, Aaker, and Gardner, 2000). Such discoveries have significant implications for cognitive research to inquire about further. A few researchers have addressed whether evidently basic psychological principles that are very much shown in North America (Higgins and Kruglanski, 1996) could be summed up to different cultures (Fiske, Kitayama, Markus, and Nisbett, 1998). Others have created pan-cultural conceptual tools, (such as individualism-collectivism, independence-interdependence, and analytic versus holistic thinking style) to represent cultural varieties in essential social psychological procedures (Peng and Nisbett, 1999).

Whether or not culture would impact cognitions in a particular social situation depends on whether the relevant shared assumptions are available, accessible, salient, and applicable in the situation. Thus, the influences of culture on cognition are dynamic and mediated by the basic principles of social cognition.

In addition to the dimensions of positive and negative emotion, some researchers have found the existence of a factor that they have interpreted as an interpersonal dimension (e.g., Kitayama, Markus, & Kurokawa, 2000). Emotions such as guilt, indebtedness to another, respect, and friendly feelings, form one end of the interpersonal dimension, whereas emotions such as pride and being on top of the world characterize the other end of the interpersonal dimension. Kuppens et al. (2006) also provided tentative support for an interpersonal component of emotions in a cross-national dataset of college students. This component consists of the negative emotions of guilt and shame. However, gratitude was also found to be associated (albeit weakly) with this dimension. The existence of additional factors such as the interpersonal one does not necessarily pose a problem for cross-cultural comparisons if researchers compare groups on emotions from factors that have been replicated across cultures such as positive-negative. The extent to which emotions are perceived and experienced as interpersonal events may vary according to cultural dimensions such as individualism-collectivism (Hofstede, 2001). Using a qualitative approach, Mesquita (2001) compared emotions among Dutch, Surinamese, and Turkish respondents. She found that emotions were more individual events for the Dutch respondents who were more individualistic. By contrast, emotions were more social events for the Surinamese and Turkish participants who were more collectivistic. In an approach that directly tested lay theories of emotion, Uchida, Townsend, Markus, and Bergsieker (2009) found that the Japanese respondent's emotions often implicated others, whereas the American participant's emotions primarily implicated only the self, consistent with Mesquita’s findings.

In a series of studies examining cultural perceptions of emotion, Masuda, Ellsworth, Mesquita, Leu, Tanida, & van de Veerdonk (2008) found that interpretations of another person’s emotional expression were dependent on the context of the situation for Japanese participants, whereas, for Americans, interpretations of a target’s emotions were based almost exclusively on the target’s face alone. More specifically, when Japanese participants evaluated a happy face in a crowd of happy faces, they interpreted it to be happier than if the happy face were in a crowd of neutral or sad faces. By contrast, Americans tend to interpret a happy face in the same way regardless of the surrounding faces. Similarly, when Indian and American participants were asked to identify which of three emotions (anger, happiness, and shame) was distinct from the other two (Rozin, 2003), Americans tended to select happiness because it was the only positive emotion. In contrast, Indians were more likely than Americans to select anger because it was less socially constructive than the other two. In short, emotions are more contextually and socially situated among Easterners than among Westerners

Cultural priorities appear to affect values with regard to specific emotions. For example, Asian values are often described as collectivistic, interdependent, or self-accommodating (Rothbaum, Pott, Azuma, Miyake, & Weisz, 2000); and place a high priority on relationship harmony and respect for authority-discourage anger expression and value shame (Kitayama & Markus, 1995).

In the United States, greater emphasis is placed on the development of individuality, autonomy, and self-expression in children than in Asian societies and other Western societies (Harkness, Super, & van Tijen, 2000). American society tolerates anger in the interest of self-assertion and protection of individual rights and freedoms, provided it is expressed in socially acceptable ways (Stearns & Stearns, 1986). Shame, on the other hand, is often seen by Americans as harmful to children's self-esteem (e.g., Ferguson, Stegge, Miller, & Olsen, 1999). Thus, because the developmental niches of Asian children include values and practices aimed at relationship harmony and respect for authority, it follows that Asian children should develop a culturally specific sense that one must not communicate anger or act angrily. On the other hand, U.S. children, who develop in a cultural setting that values self-expression, self-esteem, and self-assertion, should believe that shame is undesirable and that anger can be used to defend oneself.

There are numerous speculations about the social and emotional aspects of aging. A few parts of sound maturing incorporate exercises, social connectedness, and the job of an individual's way of life. As per numerous researchers, including George Vaillant (2002), who contemplated and broke down more than 50 years of information, we need and keep on discovering importance for the duration of our lives. For those right in the center of adulthood, which means is frequently found through work (Sterns and Huyck, 2001) and family life (Markus, Ryff, Curan, and Palmersheim, 2004). These regions identify with the assignments that Erik Erikson alluded to intimacy vs. isolation. Along with that, positive associations with others in our adult years have been found to add to prosperity (Ryff and Singer, 2009). Most adults in the United States recognize themselves through their associations with family — especially with life partners, kids, and parents (Markus et al., 2004). While bringing up children can be unpleasant, particularly when they are young, research recommends that parents receive the benefits in the future, as fully grown kids will in general positively affect parental well-being (Umberson, Pudrovska, and Reczek, 2010). Having stable personal connections has additionally been found to add to well-being all through adulthood (Vaillant & Mukamal, 2001).

As individuals transition to adulthood, romantic relationships become more common and important (Arnett 2015a). In other words, friends and/or intimate partner support begins to usurp the function of family support as individuals transition to adulthood (Tanner 2011). During young adulthood, social support from family members is less effective than support from friends at reducing psychosocial distress (Segrin 2003). Despite this evidence, research also has demonstrated that parental and family support remains critical in promoting young adults’ adjustment and well-being, including social or interpersonal relationships (Lee et al. 2015; Mounts et al. 2006). Although these findings may seem contradictory, this is not necessarily the case. Family support may retain value during young adulthood (Arnett 2015b), but when compared directly with the support from friends and romantic partners (with whom the youth are likely to spend the most time, and with whom youth may prefer to self-disclose and/or consult about life choices and decision) (Collins and van Dulmen 2006), its relative salience may not be as high during this time of relationship transition (De Goede et al. 2009; Tanner 2011).

Borrowing from the writings of Robert Hinde (e.g., 1976, 1979, 1987, 1995), these levels comprise within-individual, within-interaction, within-relationship, and within-group factors. According to Hinde, events and processes at each 'level' are constrained and influenced by circumstances and processes at other levels. Thus, individual children carry with them somewhat stable, biologically determined factors, such as temperaments that dispose them to be more or less aroused physiologically and emotionally to social stimuli or that facilitate or inhibit social approach orientations and emotional expression. Relationships are influenced by memories of previous interactions and by expectations of anticipated, future interactions. Indeed, these memories and expectations may serve to move either of the individuals to avoid (reject), neglect, or approach the other in positive, neutral, or hostile manners. Thus, relationships not only have a cognitive component but also are defined by the predominant emotions that participants typically experience within them (e.g., affection, love, attachment, and enmity). Once formed, relationships become part and parcel of a system of relationships that comprise the individual's social circle. Thus, individual relationships are embedded within groups, or networks of relationships with more or less clearly defined boundaries (e.g., cliques, teams, or school classes). As the highest level of social complexity, groups are defined by their constituent relationships and, in this sense, by the types and diversity of interactions that are characteristic of the participants in those relationships. It is important to recognize, however, that each of these social levels falls under the all-reaching umbrella of the cultural microsystem (e.g., Bronfenbrenner & Crouter, 1983). Cultural beliefs and norms help interpret the acceptability of individual characteristics and the types and ranges of interactions and relationships that are likely or permissible.

As can be clearly seen from the evidence discussed, transitioning to adulthood is far from a universal experience across cultures and nations of a range of different philosophies. It is a complex and difficult situation, which we must all eventually go through. Along with this, one’s social supports seem to have a dramatic impact on the transition to adulthood and how this can either help or hinder one's development throughout this stage of life, especially one's acceptance within their social group. This phase is when the most rapid development in each aspect happens and as such, there is much diversity in how one evolves, and is a very personal process that is almost never the same as another person.